Chapter 407
Translator: crow
Chapter 407
Chapter Title: Colonial Modernization
As Korea elevated its status through interventions in Somalia and Yugoslavia, the United States felt considerable pressure.
If things continued like this, there was a real risk that even allies in the First World bloc might start to waver.
"Economically speaking, isn't the Korean sphere led by the EA offering huge advantages?"
The U.S. began pondering ways to drive a wedge between Europe and the Korean camp.
In the midst of this, the CIA proposed one idea.
"How about bringing the issue of colonial reparations out into the open in Europe?"
Clinton expressed puzzlement at the CIA's suggestion.
"Colonial reparations?"
"Yes, sir."
For centuries, the European powers had dominated countless non-European nations, plundering vast assets.
On top of that, as decolonization gained momentum, they had sent in armies to pursue recolonization instead of granting independence.
This sparked the colonial wars in Asia and Africa.
Europe had endured those fights as long as it could before finally withdrawing.
Reparations for the damage inflicted on colonies during their rule?
No one had ever brought it up.
"We should be the ones receiving reparations in the first place."
They needed compensation for investments in infrastructure, mines, plantations, and more.
In fact, France had extracted massive independence reparations from Haiti using precisely this logic.
As a result, the European powers refused to pay even a penny in reparations related to their colonies.
At best, they offered trade privileges with former colonies or friendly tariff rates.
If they ignited the reparations issue in this atmosphere?
Langley believed that if they detonated this powder keg just right, they could split the Third World from Europe.
"If we drive a wedge between the Third World and the First World, Korea will inevitably side with the Third World."
Once the bloc logics sharpened, the First World's only choice would be the United States.
Washington approved the CIA's proposal.
Accordingly, the CIA decided to stir up public opinion on colonial damages and reparations in major countries like India.
Shortly after the CIA began its operations, the issue erupted in various nations.
"Europe's demanding reparations from Germany for the Nazi occupation era. No reason we can't raise our voices too."
Indonesia took the most hardline stance on colonial reparations.
Having fought a colonial independence war longer than any other, Indonesia was extremely sensitive to the issue.
The fact that the independence war generation still dominated society couldn't be ignored either.
"Hand over the colonial reparations! Pay up for the independence war too!"
As calls for compensation grew louder, led by the Third World, Europe found itself in a bind.
"Reparations out of nowhere? What the hell is this?"
Europe had never seriously considered the matter.
Even if they had, the current Europe lacked the means to pay.
"Our economies are already struggling. Where do you think we'll get money for you?"
Competing with the U.S. and Korea was burden enough—adding colonial reparations would bankrupt them?
Europeans came up with their own logic to avoid paying.
"The view that colonial rule was evil is misguided. Through European colonial governance, the colonies benefited from modern civilization."
To counter the reparations argument, Europe promoted the "colonial modernization theory."
"We built the infrastructure, established modern judicial systems and national administrations. If you'd been left to your own devices, you'd still be mired in premodern times—think about that."
The colonized nations were outraged by Europe's colonial modernization theory.
"What kind of nonsense is that?"
Tensions escalated between the Third World and Europe over the issue.
"Korea needs to speak out on this."
As the Third World nations looked to their big brother Pyongyang, Korea felt cornered.
'We finally shook up Europe, and now they're trying to divide us with the colonial issue.'
But they couldn't just sit on it.
'If we have to pick a side, it has to be the Third World.'
It was the obvious choice—greater long-term growth potential and more friendly to Korea.
"Come up with a theory refuting colonial modernization."
Korea mobilized scholars to directly challenge the theory.
"It's half right and half wrong to say European colonial rule aided modernization. Weren't modern institutions and infrastructure just tools for exploitation?"
When tallying the material and human resources Europe had plundered, it dwarfed any capital they invested in the colonies.
Through dozens of papers, Korea sharply condemned European colonial rule and sided with the Third World nations.
"As expected from our big brother Pyongyang."
The Third World nations were pleased that Korea had chosen their side based on bloc logic.
Did that mean Pyongyang was abandoning Europe entirely?
Not at all.
"This is a critique of imperialists trying to justify their exploitation—not of Europe."
Korea explained its position to Europe's left-wing forces, like the social democrats.
"Properly recognizing past mistakes is the way to move forward, isn't it?"
To prevent European public opinion from swinging too far against them, Korea waged a broad opinion campaign through magazines and newspapers.
The effort was left to academia and other civilian sectors, not intelligence agencies.
Korea's opinion campaign had some effect.
Of course, it couldn't prevent widespread resentment among Europeans.
"They're imperialists who used violence on their neighbors too—who are they to lecture us?"
Relations between Korea and Europe noticeably soured over the colonial issue.
Pyongyang judged that letting it drag on would only benefit the United States.
'We can't let Washington reap all the gains.'
Bae Seong-jun ordered the intelligence agency to launch operations against the U.S.
"Work to force the Americans to take a stance on the colonial issue."
"Understood."
If Korea got splashed with mud, America would get drenched too.
The 4th Deputy Director's office at the agency subtly prodded the Philippines to raise the reparations issue.
"With the whole world raising voices on colonial reparations right now, it's time to exercise your voice. When else will the Philippines get reparations from America?"
The proposal, delivered discreetly through the overseas Chinese network, soon swayed the Philippine president.
"Just bring up the reparations issue, and you'll get 50 million won as backroom cash, right?"
Since it wasn't detrimental to national interests, the presidential palace decided easily.
"America must pay colonial reparations to the Philippines!"
The Philippines' sudden outburst startled the U.S., which had been watching the Europe-Third World spat like a sideshow.
"Why are those guys suddenly flipping out?"
The U.S. had treated the Philippines well since colonial days.
They'd invested in 'real' modernization infrastructure, and provided massive financial and technical aid during the commonwealth era and after independence.
To wipe that history clean and demand reparations?
It was absurd to America, but the Philippines had its own logic.
"You conveniently ignore how they made this a colony by killing General Aguinaldo and 200,000 Filipinos. Let's start with Aguinaldo."
When Aguinaldo came up, even America had nothing to say.
As the Philippines attacked America over colonial reparations, Europe perked up.
"Honestly, colonial rule was something everyone did back then like it was trendy. Korea's just unusually fixated."
America should back the colonial modernization theory like Europe.
That was Europe's position.
The problem was America's position didn't allow such talk.
"If we spout colonial modernization crap, Latin America will blow up."
America's camp wasn't just European nations.
It included former colonies like Latin America.
With them in the fold, preaching colonial modernization?
Anti-American sentiment could explode overnight.
"This is a headache."
If Korea faced a dilemma over Europe, now it was America's turn.
Instead of an official response, the White House proposed a backchannel deal with the Philippines.
"How much to make you quiet?"
"We'll decide based on your show of sincerity."
The American response was clever, but they overlooked one fact.
Silencing the Philippines wouldn't bury the issue that had already surfaced.
"Sir, domestic PC groups are starting to bring up the colonial issue."
America's decolonization advocates and PC groups demanded the government address it.
"For the sake of our descendants' pride, Washington must give the right answer."
It was maddening for the U.S. government.
"No, this isn't about right and wrong."
International politics wasn't a simple matter of good versus evil.
Its core was national interest.
Washington tried to stall and delay a response, but when Black civil rights groups joined the fray, they could dodge no longer.
"Are you saying colonial modernization theory is right? Or wrong?"
The U.S. government reluctantly issued an ambiguous reply.
"Colonial rule wasn't right, but we need to consider the context of the times."
The answer satisfied neither Latin America nor Europe, but it was the best America could do.
Geumsusan watched America's vague stance and wondered if they could have escaped the same way.
When the agency showed such qualms, Bae Seong-jun shook his head.
"We would have lost our allies' trust."
America and Korea approached alliances differently.
America saw them purely in terms of gain, while Korea had to factor in ideologies like Pan-Asianism.
That difference gave America an edge this time, but Korea didn't exactly lose out.
Through this affair, Korea demonstrated solid support for its allies.
America, by contrast, failed to do so.
If such experiences accumulated, could First World alliances maintain their current cohesion?
'Probably not.'
Bae Seong-jun lit a cigarette while gazing at a world map colored red for Korea and blue for America.