Chapter 400
Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Haiti Coup
Haiti was a country with little experience in civilian control.
As such, it had a history of military coups leading to dictatorships.
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the priest-turned-leader, was keenly aware of this and paid close attention to keeping the military in check.
“I will separate the police from the military.”
“Military trials will be handled by civilian courts.”
The new president sought to secure control over the armed forces by slashing their power as much as possible.
On top of that, he forged an alliance with Korea to have Pyongyang as his backer.
Aristide’s efforts were seen as a threat by Haiti’s military, which had built its own independent kingdom within the country for decades.
“That guy’s gotta go.”
The Haitian military seriously considered ousting Aristide from power.
With the U.S. economic sanctions already shaking Haiti’s economy, public opinion was turning against Aristide.
If they wanted to shake the country, now was the perfect time.
“The problem is Korea.”
After much deliberation, the Haitian military decided to bring in an outside power to counter Korea.
That power was the United States.
“We need to improve relations with the U.S. anyway, so let’s make contact ahead of time.”
The Haitian military reached out to the CIA through the U.S. embassy.
The CIA, which had been searching for a clean way to handle the Haiti issue, responded positively to their proposal.
Of course, they wouldn’t openly support a coup like before.
“It’s best not to make any commitments we can be held accountable for.”
Without official directives from Washington to support a coup, Langley’s resources were limited.
The CIA made secret contact with Joseph Raoul Cédras, the head of the Haitian military, and gave only subtle signals.
“If Haiti changes its stance, the U.S. sanctions will end.”
In other words, it was a verbal promise that they were ready to be friendly toward the Haitian government.
Hearing this, General Cédras resolved to launch the coup.
‘Not that I trust Langley 100 percent.’
Considering how many partners Langley had betrayed in the past, he couldn’t fully rely on them.
What General Cédras truly trusted wasn’t Langley’s empty promises, but the army backing him.
Of course, Langley didn’t leave Cédras entirely empty-handed.
They gathered material that could be Aristide’s regime’s weakness and passed it to him.
Not directly, of course—through several intermediaries.
Even Langley, burned by failed coups before, was proceeding cautiously this time.
‘Even if things go south, there won’t be a shred of evidence we were involved.’
Buoyed by this support, General Cédras swiftly advanced his coup plans.
Army Chief of Staff Philippe Biamby and Police Chief Michel François joined the plot.
Though it involved both the military and police, the plan leaked no information.
“We have to watch out for Korea’s eyes and ears.”
Following CIA advice, General Cédras tightly controlled information and set a short timeline for the coup.
“The operation begins in one week.”
Until then, the coup forces planned meticulously, soothing police and military sympathizers while preparing to crush the Haitian government.
And on the night of September 30, 1991.
The rebels launched their coup against the Haitian government.
“Your Excellency, we’re commencing the operation.”
“Begin.”
Under Coup Commander General Cédras’s orders, rebel units advanced on the capital, Port-au-Prince.
President Aristide, resting at the National Palace, was completely unaware.
The rebels aimed to swiftly seize the National Palace and other key institutions.
The police were the only force capable of opposing the coup, but they didn’t side with the government.
“Why should we?”
Having been one with the military under past regimes, the police joined the rebels.
“What the hell is going on?”
Korea only grasped the situation right after the coup broke out.
The rebels’ preparations had been that thorough.
Colonel Lee Seok-min, the Korean military commander in Haiti, and other key figures gathered at the Korean embassy to discuss countermeasures.
But Korea’s forces lacked the capacity to intervene immediately.
“Are there no units loyal to the government at all?”
“There are, but none near the capital worth counting on.”
Agency for National Security Planning intercepts revealed most capital-region units had sided with the rebels.
“This is a headache.”
If the board flipped due to the coup now, losing Haiti was a foregone conclusion.
Because Korea had always maintained the policy of never recognizing regimes that toppled allied nations.
“We can’t intervene right away, but we can’t just stand by either.”
“Let’s get directives from the home government first.”
The ambassador would request instructions from Pyongyang.
While waiting, Lee Seok-min consulted with the agency’s consular officer and picked up the phone.
His call was to the Haitian president.
Speaking fluent French without an interpreter, Lee explained the situation.
“Your Excellency, I assume you’re aware a rebellion has broken out?”
“I just heard.”
“The rebels will attack the palace soon. Come to the Korean embassy before it’s too late. Or our military base.”
“You want me to hide under Korea’s wing?”
“Yes. That’s the only option right now.”
Aristide knew the situation was dire.
“Can’t the Korean military support us directly?”
“Not right now.”
Intervention required home government approval.
After Lee’s response, the president made a tough call.
“Very well, I’ll come to the Korean embassy.”
“Wise decision.”
The president ended the call and ordered his security detail to prepare to move.
The conversation was wiretapped entirely by the Haitian rebels.
“Aristide has no pride? A head of state hiding in the Korean embassy?”
Cédras mocked him, but if the president holed up there, quelling the situation would be tough.
The rebels moved quickly to block roads between the palace and Korean embassy.
They couldn’t let the president reach the embassy.
They were even prepared to shoot him if necessary.
“There’s the president’s car.”
Spotting the Haitian president’s vehicle was easy.
The modern bulletproof limousine, gifted by Korea as a symbol of friendship, had a silver finish visible even in the dark night.
“Fire!”
Rebel soldiers leaped from their vehicles and fired rifles at the president’s security detail.
A merciless hail of bullets poured down, but the president’s armored limo shrugged it off.
Pockmarks dotted it here and there, but the limo endured every hit.
“What the hell is that thing?”
The rebel officer cursed, but they had no way to stop the limo.
Rifles clearly weren’t piercing it.
Grenades were out of range too.
As the president’s limo escaped the infantry’s firing line, the rebels looked crestfallen.
“At least blockade the embassy.”
They hurriedly dispatched police to the Korean embassy front.
But by a hair’s breadth, the limo carrying the president pulled into the embassy.
“What should we do?”
“Seal the embassy so not even an ant can get out!”
As the rebels surrounded the Korean embassy, the Korean ambassador stepped out personally to protest to the Haitian police.
“How dare you surround the Korean embassy? Aren’t you afraid of the consequences? Withdraw immediately.”
The rebels feared Korea’s wrath, but they were all-in now.
Inside the embassy, Koreans sat in the ambassador’s office with grave expressions.
“The rebels don’t give a damn about us.”
Surrounding an embassy was one of the worst diplomatic insults.
Having failed to capture the president despite such a bold move, the rebels scrambled to manage the crisis.
They contacted the U.S. ambassador for help.
“We need the U.S. to step in on this.”
The embassy requested instructions from Washington.
“Wait here.”
Washington needed time to think.
On the morning of September 31, as the great powers sorted their stances on the Haiti coup, Pyongyang acted first.
“We will never recognize Haiti’s new regime. We do not acknowledge powers that topple our allies.”
“Understood.”
Korea’s response went beyond non-recognition of the new Haitian regime.
Korean conglomerates like Kosco and other firms decided to pull investments from Haiti.
“You set up an anti-Korea regime and expect to suck sweetness from us? Better rethink that.”
Korea’s retaliation didn’t drag on for weeks or months.
In just six hours, they unleashed a barrage of sanctions.
Haiti protested and complained, but Korea ignored them.
“We don’t negotiate with criminals.”
Pyongyang became a stern judge, beginning to punish the Haitian rebels.