Chapter 387
Translator: crow
Chapter Title: The Beginning of Terrorism
“Washington is pushing for a US troop deployment in Saudi Arabia?”
“That’s the information we’ve received so far.”
Bae Sung-jun lit a cigarette as he listened to the report from the 4th Deputy Director in charge of foreign intelligence.
US troops stationed in Saudi Arabia.
On the surface, it looked like a bad move—possibly the worst one—for Korea.
The more US troops in Saudi, the stronger Washington’s political and security influence over Riyadh would become.
Bae Sung-jun inhaled deeply, drawing the cigarette smoke into his lungs.
‘Saudi has no reason to allow US troops to station there, though.’
In the original timeline, Saudi had permitted US bases because of Saddam Hussein, the aggressive leader who invaded Iran and Kuwait.
But in this world, Saddam Hussein hadn’t invaded Iran or Kuwait—in fact, he maintained good relations with his neighbors.
Saudi got along well with him; he wasn’t a threat.
Bae Sung-jun pieced it together after a moment’s thought.
‘Come to think of it, that issue was at play.’
There had recently been friction between Iran and Saudi over oil prices.
Iran had deployed warships to the Strait of Hormuz and threatened Saudi as a result, which might have put pressure on Riyadh.
‘Iran’s on friendly terms with us, so if Saudi chooses a close alliance with the US—hostile to Iran—it fits.’
Bae Sung-jun instructed the 4th Deputy Director’s office to gather detailed intelligence on the US deployment.
If his guess was right, the scale would be small.
‘At most, around 1,000 troops.’
His prediction proved accurate.
“The US appears to be pushing for a deployment of about 500 troops.”
500 troops.
That was exactly a symbolic number.
Enough to flaunt the growing closeness between Saudi and the US.
Of course, it wasn’t a force too small to ignore.
Washington stood to gain significant strategic benefits from even a modest presence.
But.
‘Stationing in Saudi is the worst choice they could make.’
Foreign troops on the land holding Islam’s two holiest sites?
It was the perfect way to draw the aggro of Islamic extremists.
‘Wasn’t 9/11 ultimately a butterfly effect from the Saudi basing?’
Bae Sung-jun relaxed into a leisurely expression once he’d run the cost-benefit analysis.
“Let the Americans do what they want.”
“Director, if we do that, we risk handing Washington a chance to solidify its influence in the Middle East.”
“I know.”
He knew, but taking a minor hit was cheaper than shouldering the entire War on Terror alone.
“No need for anything else—just keep steady tabs on the movements of the mujahideen returning from Afghanistan.”
Unless the dictator intended to step in, the Agency for National Security Planning had no choice but to stand aside.
“Understood.”
Following Bae Sung-jun’s guidance, Korea took a step back from the US-Saudi basing issue.
America cheered as the Saudi deployment sailed through smoothly.
“Whether it’s because the Koreans are mindful of their ties to Iran or whatever, they’re stuck sitting on their hands.”
Washington didn’t miss the opening created by Korea’s hesitation.
The US military wrapped up the basing deal in one swift move.
News of it spread quietly but steadily across the Middle East before long.
“The Americans—the Yankees—are stationing troops on sacred Arabian soil?”
Among those who heard was Osama bin Laden, the chaebol heir fresh from Afghanistan.
“How can we endure this insult from these filthy infidels?”
With the Afghan War over, Osama bin Laden and the jobless mujahideen desperately needed an enemy.
And here came America slapping them across the face—nothing could be more welcome.
“Our new enemy is America and Saudi’s corrupt rulers!”
Osama bin Laden branded the US and Saudi as foes and formed a new organization to lead the struggle.
In truth, Al-Qaeda had been founded at the 1988 Peshawar Conference, but as an anti-US militant group, this was practically its real start.
The new outfit drew heavy hitters from the mujahideen ranks: Palestinians like Abdullah Yusuf Azzam, Egyptians like Muhammad Atef and Ayman al-Zawahiri.
Their goal was straightforward.
“Drive US troops out of Saudi Arabia.”
Al-Qaeda was determined to wage jihad for that single aim.
Before gearing up for terror ops, Al-Qaeda first compiled cases of the world’s most famous attacks.
But whenever they dug into major, high-profile terrors, the origin point was always Korea.
Al-Qaeda’s commanders tilted their heads at the unexpected discovery.
“Did Korea’s terror groups really have this kind of capability?”
Al-Qaeda came away impressed by the skills of Korea’s Communist Party and other anti-regime groups known for leading such attacks.
“Learning a trick or two from them wouldn’t hurt.”
Pay them, and they’d probably teach without refusing—that was the Al-Qaeda leadership’s thinking.
To that end, Al-Qaeda dispatched agents to Korea.
The problem? Korea’s so-called terror groups lacked the ability to train them.
“You want to learn about explosives? What makes you think we’re experts at that?”
Koreans didn’t even know how to make proper bombs.
All they were good at was propaganda.
“Well, they’ve probably locked up anyone with real terror skills by now.”
Al-Qaeda didn’t get proper training in Korea.
But skimming records of past “glorious” incidents let them see how adept Korean terror groups had been in their heyday.
“So, it’s not just about detonating explosives. The key is blending fear and dread with smart propaganda.”
Al-Qaeda took one solid lesson from Korea.
The heart of terror was propaganda.
Al-Qaeda refined its terror plans with some sophistication.
“If assassinating VIPs won’t make enough impact, how about hitting symbolic targets?”
That led to the US embassy bombing plot.
“Sourcing enough explosives to blow up a building won’t be easy—will we even dent a sturdy embassy?”
“That’s why we’ve researched a method.”
Al-Qaeda’s strategic planners proposed a truck-based suicide attack like the Beirut bombing.
They’d substitute loaded gasoline for explosives.
“But that’ll cut the lethality way down.”
“Killing lots of people isn’t the only metric.”
The point was to terrify the enemy.
“Then let’s not hit just one spot—strike multiple at once.”
Al-Qaeda settled on simultaneously truck-ramming US embassies across the Middle East.
As Al-Qaeda prepared its terror plot, the US government remained utterly in the dark.
In fact, the NSA and CIA had intercepted chatter and gathered intel confirming Al-Qaeda’s formation and its hostility toward America.
“Al-Qaeda—a dangerous new terror group has formed. Oh, you already know.”
But the warnings never reached the top for a simple reason.
“In this day and age, with info flooding in, do we really report every pissed-off little group in some backwater to the President?”
US bureaucrats dismissed the intelligence agencies’ reports as trivial.
And that misjudgment led to a horrific terror wave.
January 1, 1990—New Year’s Day.
Early that morning, as the world savored New Year celebrations, Yusuf in Saudi revved the engine of his waiting car in front of the US embassy.
“Ready?”
“Allahu Akbar.”
Yusuf’s vehicle was packed with gasoline cans.
He floored it straight at the embassy.
“What the hell is that?”
US Marines spotting the speeding car through binoculars realized too late it was a suicide attack.
America had prior experience with suicide bombings.
The Beirut embassy attack.
It had killed 63 people, including Americans—a devastating blow.
With that history, the Marines didn’t hesitate to open fire.
“Shoot!”
But the bullets from the hasty volley couldn’t stop the car—it was already too close.
Boom!
The instant it slammed into the embassy’s main gate, a massive fireball erupted, swallowing the on-duty Marines in flames.
The shocking attack killed nine Americans.
But the terror didn’t end there.
Vehicle rammings targeted US embassies in Jordan, Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Kuwait, Bahrain, and beyond.
The US thwarted the attacks in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, but failed elsewhere.
Total American deaths: 121.
Right after the successful strikes, Al-Qaeda sent videos to major outlets like Korea’s KBC and the BBC, claiming responsibility.
“We swear by Allah’s name: jihad will continue until the infidels defiling our holy lands are driven out.”
This wasn’t just any terror attack.
A ragtag terror group had openly yanked Uncle Sam’s beard.
America flew into a rage.
Pressure mounted immediately around the attack’s mastermind, Osama bin Laden.
The bin Laden family cut ties with him at once.
“That guy’s off our family registry. Kill him or spare him—we don’t care.”
Watching the Islamic extremists’ handiwork, Bae Sung-jun ordered his agency to share their intel with the US.
“You want us to hand over mujahideen files to Langley? Is there really a need to help them out?”
Bae Sung-jun clicked his tongue at the Agency’s complacent mindset.
“An enemy’s enemy isn’t always a friend. Remember: Islamic extremists are our enemies too.”
If Korea hadn’t reached into West Asia, it might be different—but Pyongyang was already entangled with the Soviets.
Issues in the Soviet south’s Islamic republics were Korea’s problems.
No need to pick sides with America against Islamic extremists.
‘Though we don’t need to take on the full aggro ourselves.’
Bae Sung-jun planned to let America crush the extremists for him.
If the US won and stomped Islamism, great.
If not.
‘It’s not our money they’re spending.’
Whoever won, Korea didn’t lose.
Bae Sung-jun sat in his smoke-hazed office, eyes fixed on the TV where the US President thundered vows of retaliation in a grave voice.