Chapter 382
Translator: crow
Chapter Title: The Fall of Communism
The Communist Party detected the danger signals faster than anyone.
The giant ship called the Soviet Union had been struck by a torpedo and was slowly listing to one side.
If they didn't plug the hole quickly, the ship could sink.
No matter how massive the vessel, it couldn't withstand prolonged flooding.
Even as noise continued within the Party over political responsibility for Chernobyl, everyone agreed that the federation couldn't hold out like this much longer.
The General Secretary of the Red Empire, Shelepin, proposed a compromise in exchange for yielding some ground to the conservatives.
"Let's put our internal conflicts on hold for now. The important thing is keeping the federation alive."
The conservatives took a step back in response to Shelepin's compromise proposal.
There was a reason for their retreat.
'Shelepin isn't some pushover.'
His opponent was a formidable power holder who gripped the Party, the military, and the intelligence agencies with an iron fist.
The Politburo asked about the measures Shelepin had devised.
"What exactly do you plan to do?"
"Communism's inefficiency, the rigid bureaucracy—there's no saving the federation without changing all of it."
They had to overhaul the system.
The conservatives felt unease at Shelepin's words.
Shelepin argued for abolishing the federation's General Secretary system as the first step in reform and establishing a presidential system with the president as the supreme leader.
"You're talking about a presidential system? You mean holding elections?"
"Only by coming to power through elections can we gain legitimacy and the momentum for reform."
The Communist leaders, steeped in elitist thinking, recoiled at the idea.
"You're saying we should abandon the ideal of democratic centralism, where the people wisely delegate power? I can't agree to that."
"I'm saying we model our reforms on thriving Korea. Isn't it obvious we need to do it like them if the federation is to survive?"
They aimed to fix the Soviet Union by using Korea as a model.
Even the bureaucrats supported the reformers' proposal.
The Soviet conservatives were dissatisfied with the reforms' content, but they knew that digging in their heels would sink the Soviet Union.
With the conservatives stepping back, the Soviets launched swift reforms.
Moscow implemented sweeping domestic reforms while requesting assistance from Korea.
"Those proud Soviets are asking for help?"
Korea responded to the request by sending top-tier political and economic experts.
The Korean advisory team dispatched this way voiced opinions across a broad range of the Soviet government's reforms.
Given the dire situation, Soviet bureaucrats actively embraced the Korean advisors' input.
Even the welfare sector, which was practically the federation's symbol, was no exception.
"We have to give up free healthcare now."
Free healthcare, free daycare—the so-called free series—were signatures of the Soviet Union.
"What? Abandoning free policies will provoke massive backlash from the people."
Tampering with areas tied directly to people's daily lives was risky.
"Considering the costs involved, it's the rational choice to abandon them."
Instead, the Korean advisors recommended introducing Korea's health insurance system and other Korean-style institutions.
"At the very least, people need to contribute premiums to avoid moral hazard."
It was a radical reform, but the enormous impact of the Chernobyl disaster on the national economy compelled even Soviet bureaucrats to acknowledge the need for change.
"Well, free welfare isn't sustainable in this situation."
Shelepin decided to phase this in gradually.
The Korean advisors also urged accepting Korean companies' entry into the economy.
"Soviet enterprises have zero competitiveness. It's more efficient to let skilled Korean companies come in and run the factories."
"You're saying we should let your companies in?"
Allowing that could mean the Soviet economy getting completely devoured by Korea.
No—in fact, light industry was already devoured.
Even so, opening up every sector was another matter entirely.
"Have Koreans run the factories, the mines—would that be Korea's economic colony or a country?"
But the Soviets had no viable alternatives.
Cynical workers ignoring government policies and inefficient state enterprises made profits virtually impossible.
Even if it meant handing it over to outsiders, extracting efficiency was key.
"Comrade General Secretary, you can't agree to the Koreans. We'll end up as total colonies."
There were opposing voices, but Shelepin decided to sell off the state enterprises.
With the federation's survival on the line, there was no room for choice.
"Do it."
The news was practically a godsend to Korean businessmen struggling with labor costs.
"We've got a forward base for exporting to Europe now."
Korean entrepreneurs rushed to the Soviet Union with wads of won.
They built factories there outright and began producing consumer goods.
Heavy industry followed suit.
Korea's conglomerates snapped up whatever equipment and mines the Soviet state enterprises offered, then started operating them directly.
Most of the Soviet Union's industrial facilities—once boasting the world's third-largest industrial capacity—fell into Korean hands this way.
"But hardly any of the equipment is usable; we'll have to pay to refurbish a good chunk of it."
While operating businesses in the Soviet Union, Korea presented several conditions to Moscow.
"Give us the right to fire workers who don't do their jobs properly."
This right to dismiss was a tough pill for Moscow to swallow.
"That doesn't align with our ideology of a workers' state."
But the Koreans didn't budge an inch on this.
"The world's changed. Now, those who don't work hard get weeded out."
"Understood."
With this right secured, Korean companies managed Soviet workers.
At first, Soviets strongly rebelled against the Korean firms' strict control.
"Are they treating people like machines? This is our federation, where you got paid even slacking off! How hard do they plan to work us?"
"No more easy days like that. If you don't like it, go home."
As a demonstration, Korea fired workers feigning illness or slacking.
Soviet workers grumbled seeing colleagues get axed, but the complaints didn't last.
"Whoa, they're paying wages like this?"
Seeing the massive paychecks—unthinkable under state enterprises—the Soviet workers felt their discontent melt away like financial therapy.
"Pay like this changes everything."
The societal changes from Korean companies' entry didn't stop there.
Soviets began sampling lives watching Korean movies and dramas, lining up for Korean franchises, and capping off days at Korean karaoke bars and saunas.
"Korean stuff really is impressive. Would've been great to be born in a country like that."
Along with these shifts, the Soviet ruble started showing signs of recovery.
"With Korean companies coming in, things seem decent enough."
Credit ultimately stems from trust.
The influx of Korean companies restored some of the crumbling Soviet credibility.
In practice, they used the Soviet Union as a base to mass-export goods to Eastern Europe and beyond, bolstering the Soviet economy.
Thanks to the various reform measures by the authorities, the Soviet economy halted its decline.
The problem was that Shelepin's series of reforms had completely transformed the Soviet state.
"There's no more Marxist-Leninist state in Eurasia. The Soviet Union is now a Korean-style authoritarian regime."
As political and economic scholars put it, the Soviet Union was morphing into a country resembling Korea.
"Doesn't it sting your pride to become a Korean knockoff?"
In truth, for the Soviets—who'd been gradually nibbled away by Korea over decades—it wasn't much of a pride issue.
"Pride doesn't put food on the table."
As the Soviet Union openly signaled its intent to slip into the Third World's shadow, socialist states and rebels worldwide were thrown into turmoil.
"Moscow looks like it's stepping down as leader now—what do we do?"
"Ah, we should do like Moscow."
Ruling Communist forces, at odds with democratization movements, quickly emulated Shelepin's "Moscow model."
"Time to cozy up to Korea while the iron's hot."
Falling under Korea meant just swapping "communism" for "authoritarianism" on the nameplate while staying in power.
That was the appeal for communist dictators.
"Get in line early and cozy up to Pyongyang."
Communist states like Romania swiftly reached out to Korea under the table.
Of course, did every communist faction follow the Moscow model?
No.
A prime example was the Yugoslav Federation.
"If even Moscow's commie boss defects, what's the point of socialism? Better to split and fend for ourselves, right?"
"Honestly, we were never close enough to those guys to share a friendly meal."
Witnessing communism's ideology crumble so hollowly, nationalists gained ground in Yugoslavia, accelerating separatism by republic.
This trend wasn't limited to the Second World.
Many leftist rebels declared they would no longer follow Moscow's orders.
"We believed in socialism the ideology, not the Soviet superpower!"
Proclaiming Moscow's betrayal, they sought new patrons.
Many of these defectors ended up lining up with Korea.
"If you're gonna do that, why not just line up with the Moscow reds?"
"That hurts our pride."
In a world of America or Korea, no other options existed anyway.
Moscow watched the Soviet Union's prestige hit rock bottom but could do nothing.
The moment they relinquished leadership of the communist bloc, the Soviet Union ceased being a special superpower.
It was just another run-of-the-mill great power.
But better than collapse.
The Soviet reformers took solace in that, believing they'd saved the nation.
Of course, others saw it differently—they thought the reformers had sold out the Soviet Union.
Lurking conflicts beneath the surface, rising nationalism, and looming new natural disasters.
The Soviet Union had sold everything just to catch its breath, but the crises weren't over.
New waves were gathering on the horizon.