Chapter 370
Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Zhonghua Gate Incident (1)
Wang Wenjin, the fifth leader of the Nanjing regime, was the eldest son of the founding chairman, Wang Jingwei.
He had ultimately seized power based on the legitimacy inherited from his father—and succeeded.
“Father saved China. Without his leadership, could we be enjoying this level of prosperity today?”
Many echoed Wang Wenjin’s claim.
“Wang Jingwei! Wang Wenjin!”
In truth, the rule of Wang Jingwei and his successor Chen Gongbo had ushered in an era of unprecedented stability and rapid growth in Chinese history.
The Chinese people, having tasted that sweetness, no longer cursed them as traitors.
“Wang Jingwei and Chen Gongbo were visionaries.”
Wang Wenjin solidified his power base on this support.
But even the Wang Wenjin regime was not without crises.
Just as China’s economy was enjoying a brief lull after the economic panic, the oil shock struck.
“We barely survived the economic panic, and now an oil shock?”
When the bubble burst from the shockwaves of the economic panic, China’s economy had nearly been given a death sentence.
Nanjing had exhausted all its reserves trying to save the economy back then, so it took the full brunt of this new blow.
“Aren’t prices going absolutely insane?”
With the government unable to intervene, prices skyrocketed, paralyzing the nation.
“Are we going to collapse like this?”
Fortunately, Korea supplied strategic reserve oil, putting out the immediate fire, but the shock to China’s economy was immense.
“Look at the reality created by the Wang Wenjin regime. Is this running the economy or ruining it?”
Nanjing’s feeble response to this oil shock was practically an opportunity to corner Wang Wenjin.
“Wang Wenjin! If you have any conscience, step down!”
Rivals within and outside the party raised their voices in unison.
But the response from the general public was smaller than expected.
“Why?”
Wang Wenjin might lack ability as a politician, but his instincts for clinging to power were on par with Jang Dong-yoon.
“The economic value preserved through strategic reserve oil pulled from Korea—equivalent to 20 billion won!”
Wang Wenjin had a remarkable talent for packaging and propagandizing his achievements.
“We’re not doing any cult-of-personality nonsense.”
Rather than outdated idolization, Wang Wenjin focused on portraying himself as a capable leader.
This effort was actively supported by the China National Security Bureau, modeled after Korea’s intelligence agency.
“Forward with Chairman Wang Wenjin and the new China—racing toward the $10,000 GDP era.”
Of course, Wang Wenjin wasn’t just engaging in empty propaganda.
To counter the recession from the oil shock, he launched a massive construction boom.
This stimulus measure mimicked the construction-focused growth policies of the past Yi Seong-jun regime.
“Where did the money for that come from?”
“Debt.”
Ignoring debt levels that had reached dangerous heights, Wang Wenjin issued massive amounts of government bonds.
Wang Wenjin’s stimulus didn’t take long to bear fruit.
As Korea’s economy began recovering visibly, China’s growth rate started rebounding too.
“China—China is alive again!”
Nanjing’s rapid recovery was enough to restore its pride as Asia’s second-largest economy.
“This is China!”
But Wang Wenjin’s economic reconstruction came at an enormous cost.
Astronomical debt.
Even Korea expressed concerns over China’s ballooning debt.
But Wang Wenjin said it was fine.
“Oh, no need to worry.”
Grow the economy, and the debt would eventually dilute itself.
Wang Wenjin believed that as long as he could ride the resurgent economic cycle, there’d be no problem.
And in fact, his thinking proved correct.
As oil prices fell, ushering in the Triple Low Boom of low oil, low prices, and low dollar, China’s economy exploded back into growth.
His regime’s approval ratings hit an all-time high not seen in years.
‘This is the perfect time to get things started.’
Wang Wenjin saw right now as the golden opportunity to push for hereditary succession.
He prepared a personnel order appointing his son Wang Lixin, formerly the finance minister, as premier of the Executive Yuan.
“Isn’t this preparing for hereditary rule?”
This sparked rebellion within the Kuomintang (Nanjing).
“We absolutely cannot tolerate hereditary succession.”
Party rivals demanded no-confidence against Wang Wenjin.
“As Premier Yi Seong-jun said, hereditary rule is evil. Wang Wenjin, trying to drag China back to the nightmare of imperial monarchy, no longer represents the party!”
The opposition compared Wang Wenjin to the reincarnated Yuan Shikai—the early Republic warlord who had declared himself emperor—vilifying him as a relic of the past.
“What do you mean, making me emperor? I’m just giving my capable son a chance to serve the nation.”
As opposition voices within the party grew louder, Wang Wenjin took a step back.
“I’ll withdraw Wang Lixin’s premier nomination. I’ll appoint someone else as premier.”
The party opposition also compromised in response to Wang Wenjin’s concession.
“No more talk of hereditary rule or anything like that.”
“Understood.”
Wang Wenjin said as much, but he had no intention of backing off from succession.
During this brief truce, he began quietly lobbying legislators from behind the scenes.
The National Security Bureau threw itself into the effort.
“Congressman, if you want to rise in the ranks later, you need to side with Chairman Wang.”
“We’ve loaded two boxes into the trunk.”
“Ha. If you won’t get the hint... Hey, bring the big tub.”
Wang Wenjin’s lobbying worked.
A significant number of ruling Kuomintang (Nanjing) legislators flipped to supporting succession.
“You’re changing your convictions that easily?”
“Hey, if you don’t agree, they waterboard you—what can you do?”
With party support secured, Wang Wenjin proceeded with Wang Lixin’s premier appointment process.
“What?”
Already dissatisfied with the Kuomintang’s authoritarian rule, opposition parties like the Democratic Progressive Party immediately grabbed pickets upon seeing the “succession procedure.”
“Wang Wenjin’s authoritarian regime must halt the succession procedure!”
Despite the fierce opposition backlash, the premier nomination passed the legislature.
The opposition couldn’t just sit idly by.
“What could be worse than reverting to a system where individuals privatize the state? Don’t hold your breath in the face of historical regression. If we turn a blind eye to the Wang family’s succession now, we’ll just become their slaves.”
Young college students rallied to the opposition’s slogans.
“Even Yi Seong-jun, the iron man of Daehan, never did hereditary succession. Who does Wang Jingwei’s son think he is, trying to do it?”
Students with strong liberal leanings poured into the streets.
They gathered in the plaza before Zhonghua Gate, Nanjing’s largest city gate, for a rally.
Their massive assembly drew the eyes of Nanjing’s citizens.
“Abolish hereditary rule! Down with dictatorship!”
The young students’ protests were tantamount to a major challenge to the regime.
The Wang Wenjin regime agonized over how forcefully to respond.
“What if we mobilize police to crush the rioters?”
“That’s impossible, sir.”
The protesters at Zhonghua Gate had already swelled beyond 100,000.
It was far too large a crowd for police to handle.
While the regime deliberated its response, the students grew more radical in their chants.
“The government must implement direct presidential elections!”
Just then, neighboring Korea had abolished the Yushin regime and opted for direct presidential elections.
Even that oppressive Yushin regime had chosen compromise with the protesters.
If Korea could do it, why couldn’t China win direct elections?
Resignation of Chairman Wang Wenjin, direct elections, halt to succession.
The protesters’ political demands intensified by the day.
These demands emboldened the hardliners in the Kuomintang regime.
“If we give in to those rioters one by one, we’ll end up surrendering everything. Who are these ignoramuses to decide the chairman?”
“We need to give the rioters a harsh lesson now and set an example for the people.”
To the Kuomintang elites, the chairman was a position ascended by party acclamation.
Handing that right to the ignorant masses crossed every line.
“So what do you suggest?”
“We suppress with force.”
“Forceful suppression.”
“We’ll resolve the situation with minimal casualties!”
After agonizing deliberations, the Chinese government decided on a hardline response.
“Then let’s pass martial law first.”
The Wang Wenjin government created an atmosphere of terror by pushing through martial law.
This was an overt threat to the protesters.
Lee Teng-hui, the vice chairman and number two in the Wang Wenjin government, sensed the gravity of the situation.
He rode his bicycle to Zhonghua Gate Plaza and addressed the youth.
“Everyone, I’m sorry I came so late.”
Lee Teng-hui politely urged the protesters to take a step back for now.
“If things stay like this, you all will get hurt.”
The college students paid no heed to Lee Teng-hui’s persuasion.
“We hear you, Vice Chairman, but we can’t back down.”
“If the government goes hardline, you’ll all die.”
“We know. But this is our duty as intellectuals.”
Lee Teng-hui felt a pang of sorrow at the students’ resolve.
‘These precious young people are all going to die here.’
Lee Teng-hui didn’t get a long chance to persuade them.
“Vice Chairman Lee! Anti-party speech and sympathy toward rioters are unacceptable. Confine yourself to house arrest.”
Lee Teng-hui’s house arrest marked the decisive turning point of the Zhonghua Gate Incident.
Late that night, at an Executive Yuan meeting, Chairman Wang Wenjin ordered military deployment.
“Your excellency’s orders have come down! Everyone, board up!”
At dawn on October 1, Republic of China (Nanjing) Army troops departed their bases and loaded into hundreds of trucks.
“Move out!”
The armed forces headed toward the silent Zhonghua Gate Plaza in the capital, Nanjing.