Chapter 354
Chapter 354
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Number One
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US CIA Director Stansfield Turner had arrived in Korea.
His reason for coming was singular.
To meet me.
As promised, I met Stansfield Turner at the KCIA safehouse.
Stansfield Turner.
He was a man with the stern face of a soldier of conviction.
Not surprising, given his background as a Navy admiral.
"Have a seat, Director."
I presented Stansfield Turner with the dignified face of a gentleman.
Since this was a meeting over a meal, I'd arranged the food in American style.
Of course, as was typical for gatherings of intelligence chiefs, the meal was just for show.
The director didn't even touch the fork and knife set before him.
"Is the food not to your taste, Director?"
"Hardly. It's just that I won't be able to eat until my questions are answered."
"Your questions."
"Questions about Korea after President Jang."
"You're wondering who will seize power. The answer to that is simple: I, Bae Seong-jun, will take hold of the Republic's power."
I declared it boldly.
No need to dodge it like Chun Doo-hwan or play coy and deny it shamefully.
What could the Americans do if they knew?
This nation was the world's second superpower.
Even in August 1991, when the Soviet Union—the number-two power in gross national strength—collapsed in a coup, America couldn't exert direct influence over Moscow.
Korea was no different.
If anything, there was even less cause for concern.
Unlike the Soviet Union, Korea wasn't an economy in freefall.
It was still the number-two power threatening America.
In a nation this strong, the only ones who could influence shifts in power were the internal power players.
"You, Director?"
"It's hard to take power openly in the sunlight. But isn't the one who holds real power the true top authority?"
Like Stalin.
People often equated Stalin's title of General Secretary with head of state, but that wasn't accurate.
Stalin's outsized presence created that impression; in reality, the Soviet head of state was Mikhail Kalinin, who held the title of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.
As this example shows, real power can subsume even nominal titles.
Of course, I had no intention of swallowing titles like Stalin.
Just puppeteering from behind the scenes would suffice.
Stansfield Turner didn't seem surprised by my answer.
Instead, he posed another question.
"If you take power, Director, how do you plan to govern Korea going forward?"
Transform it into a democratic state?
Lead it as an authoritarian dictatorship?
My answer was obvious.
"I'll choose the option most advantageous to me."
Why lock myself into a predefined path?
Every answer I gave Stansfield Turner was deliberate.
I revealed as much truth as possible about the kind of man I was and my inclinations.
On the surface, the role I was playing was dictator of the Republic.
Since I'd already played this part during my first term in power, mimicking a dictator wasn't all that hard.
The only difference from my first stint was that this time, I'd reign as dictator from start to finish.
"An authoritarian dictatorship. That won't be an easy path."
I knew that full well.
Who else had felt that truth down to their bones like Yi Seong-jun?
I sliced into my steak and popped a piece into my mouth.
The seasoned meat tasted fine.
"Now I'd like to hear America's thoughts. Does Washington intend to support my rise to power?"
Whether they were willing to back an authoritarian dictator.
At that question, the CIA director smiled.
"If it aligns with our interests, we would."
"Aligns with America's national interests. What are the specific conditions?"
"Reduce Korea's trade surplus."
That wasn't hard.
With fewer foreign laborers, price competitiveness would drop, and exports would follow.
"Consider it done."
"Second, prevent a repeat of the chicken game from the past electronics market."
So that's why—for the revival of America's electronics industry.
I accepted this condition too.
"Agreed."
Stansfield Turner looked pleased at my assent.
In exchange, America promised to recognize the puppet I'd install and refrain from economic friction.
It was the compromise the current Republic desperately needed.
Of course, it would be dangerous to let my guard down just because we'd reached this compromise.
'These bastards could break their promises anytime.'
I wasn't exactly the picture of scrupulous promise-keeping myself.
We exchanged perfunctory smiles.
Outwardly, I negotiated with America, while inwardly I meticulously prepared my strategy for seizing power.
The first step toward power was founding a party.
With funding and National Assembly members already secured, all that remained was a pretext.
I found that pretext in the corruption of the National Conference.
"With rotten scum like this leading Korean politics, it's no wonder the country has been shaking."
The scandals I exposed centered on the mistresses and gift-giving customs that had been rampant among the power elite of the Jang Dong-yoon era.
I released the list of those who'd taken money from Jang Dong-yoon and lambasted the National Assembly members for their corruption.
Naturally, I omitted the names of anyone on our side.
"The Republic must change now. We need to end this outdated, corrupt politics and pursue a politics of moral integrity and exemplary standards."
So how would we achieve this righteous politics?
With fresh faces, of course!
"Isn't it ridiculous? You ask about politics, and all they show is people? That's the answer?"
"That's the 21st-century solution."
I followed the model answers from original Korean politics.
"Dr. Park, the Republic needs you to lead it."
"Me? But how could I?"
To this end, I brought Dr. Lee Seok-gyun—a man with no ties to politics—into the political arena.
This drew voices of concern from within the KCIA.
"Director, you're putting someone with zero political experience as the party's face?"
"It's fresh."
We were players who did politics through images anyway.
The chaebols and media under our influence immediately began promoting Dr. Lee Seok-gyun.
"Korea’s eminent physicist Lee Seok-gyun chooses path to serve his country over Nobel Prize."
"To a scientist, science is faith. But faith cannot replace one's country."
We boosted his public favorability by featuring him frequently on TV variety shows.
The results from employing 21st-century techniques were truly encouraging.
In less than a month, this political novice was being touted as a leading presidential contender.
I assigned aides to Lee Seok-gyun and had him parrot the messages I wrote.
After showcasing this new face's 'freshness' as the lead contender, we proceeded to 'founding the party' by creating peripheral organizations around him.
"The new party's name should be the Republic Party."
"Republic Party? That doesn't really convey any policies or ideology, does it?"
Of course, that was a weakness.
But this party wasn't meant to display any clear ideology.
Vague and ambiguous, neither fully left nor right.
That was the flavor I sought.
'It was the strategy the LDP used when they held power.'
The Liberal Democratic Party encompassed a vast spectrum from left to right within its ranks.
"Craving leftist flavor? We've got it inside."
"Far-right? Dig around, and you'll find it here too."
The LDP's strategy was to make alternatives emerge from within the party, not outside.
So how do you maintain such a chaotic mishmash?
The secret was simple.
"You think you can win elections by leaving the LDP?"
Rig the electoral system so defectors die outside.
How?
"Make the electoral system complicated. Easy enough."
In a system where even a single misspelled character invalidates your ballot, leaving the party name was extremely risky.
"Ah, I just need to remember the LDP candidate's name. How am I supposed to memorize all the others?"
Once you set up that framework, eternal rule became possible.
Nonsense?
"If you doubt it, look east."
My strategy was the same as the LDP's.
"This is real legal dictatorship."
I watched the Republic Party's founding ceremony on TV.
The party's executive director was Park Heung-sik, head of the KCIA's media operations room.
Eighty-two lawmakers participated in the founding.
Considering the National Assembly had 500 seats total, it wasn't an overwhelming number.
But for a brand-new party to launch with 82 lawmakers was absurd by any measure.
'We can gradually poach more lawmakers later.'
Through blackmail or bribery.
We had endless money and intelligence.
Once lawmakers started flocking, creating momentum would happen in a flash.
"But can the KCIA director control a party that grows that big?"
Of course.
Every lawmaker and delegate there was on the KCIA payroll or had their weaknesses in our grip.
Would those guys defy me?
Fat chance.
We hadn't let anyone with the guts to try join in the first place.
Now my pillars of power numbered two.
One was intelligence politics, represented by the intelligence agency.
The other was the Republic Party, occupying one wing of the legislature.
An intelligence agency backed by legislative power.
Who could check that?
"No one."
From the moment the Republic Party was founded, my ascent became an unstoppable tide.
There was only one thing Bae Seong-jun couldn't do.
Rise to the top leadership through the people's trust and legitimate means.
But that kind of legitimacy wasn't even on my radar.
I desired only one thing.
The power to lead the Republic.