Chapter 31
Chapter 31
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Munich Conference (1)
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In April, after exhausting myself dealing with the reverse coup, another chaotic event was waiting for me.
‘That crazy mustache bastard.’
“Sudetenland or war? Answer me!”
In May, the Germans stirred up riots in Czechoslovakia’s Sudetenland territory.
When the issue first arose, I figured it would blow over as easily as the Anschluss with Austria—like a snake slithering over a fence.
‘Just sit back with my arms crossed again this time.’
After all, Hitler was bound to win this fight, so not taking his side wouldn’t seriously offend the Germans.
That was my naive assessment.
I was wrong.
I should have given more thought to why Park Han-jin in the webtoon had sided with Germany over the Sudetenland issue.
On May 20, furious at German pressure, Czechoslovakia mobilized its army.
It immediately requested support from its allies, France and the Soviet Union.
France, the international referee that had promised aid back in March, betrayed expectations by gearing up for intervention early on.
“Let’s use this chance to teach those German bastards a lesson.”
Even the Soviets, whom I expected to dawdle, issued mobilization orders for the Red Army.
“Perfect. Time to team up with the West and crush Germany while we can.”
International referee Britain also received France’s request for support.
Of course, the British Empire dragged its feet with its usual ill will, but it didn’t matter.
Two superpowers had clearly declared they’d stand against Germany.
With the situation unfolding like this, the mustache man came asking for support too.
From whom?
Pyongyang.
“Director-General, the cabinet wants to know your intentions. Considering the ties forged under the previous Park Han-jin regime, should we promise support to Berlin?”
No, have these guys lost their minds?
Backing that would lock us in as a permanent Axis power in World War II!
After all the crazy things I’ve done to save this Korea, they want to shove the nation onto the express train to hell and split it into four pieces?
I immediately voiced my opposition.
“We promised Britain and France we wouldn’t interfere in European affairs. A nation must have integrity—how can we go back on our word?”
“Ha, but if we hesitate here, Berlin will take offense.”
Yeah, probably.
The mustache man had shamelessly asked for help, and we’d be turning him down flat.
But there was no choice.
We couldn’t die for the Nazis, could we? Not me, not our Korea.
The cabinet made its rejection clear to Germany.
And exactly one day later, German envoy Eugen Ott came rushing over.
‘This guy looks just like a Göring knockoff.’
I was startled by his plump, piggish face that resembled Nazi number two, Hermann Göring.
As I was having those rude thoughts, the German envoy tried to persuade me.
Since Eugen Ott was only chargé d’affaires, not the full ambassador, his tone and manner were exceedingly polite.
“Director-General, thank you for granting me an audience.”
“No need to thank me. Take a seat.”
I offered him a chair and asked the reason for his visit.
As expected, it was that matter.
“Please reconsider the Korean government’s decision. Berlin needs the support of its friend Pyongyang now more than ever.”
Hm.
It’s true friends are valuable in tough times.
If I only knew the future where the mustache man wins, I’d have happily bet on Hitler.
But did that bastard ever stop gambling?
No, he was the type to keep raising the stakes and shouting “all in” until it all went to hell.
Sitting next to a ruthless guy like that meant my wallet getting cleaned out was just a matter of time.
“Envoy, I’ll give that matter careful thought.”
Thought alone.
I sent him off with those fine words of persuasion.
Even if he wanted to push harder, he couldn’t.
Giving my “thoughts” any negative spin would only hurt his own country.
The Czech crisis escalated more and more as time passed.
I grew deeply worried that World War II might actually break out.
If a world war erupted and swept Korea up in it?
‘If you want peace, prepare for war.’
I instinctively knew it was time to prepare for war to protect Korea.
‘Damn it all.’
At a time when every resource should go into modernizing the homeland, pouring money into unproductive armaments brought tears of blood to my eyes.
But there was no helping it.
Even if I had no interest in war, war might have interest in me.
“Army Minister’s office. Senior? We need to convene a full military conference.”
I requested a full military conference from the Army Minister.
A week later, the military’s top brass gathered in the Imperial Army Ministry building.
Army Minister Marshal No Seong-guk. Navy Minister Admiral Shim Ki-su, Marine Corps Commander General Shin Hee-beom, Navy Chief of Staff General Won Yeong-guk, me, and all the other big stars sat together.
Officially, it was a “discussion on the European security crisis” chaired by Army Minister Marshal No Seong-guk, but in reality, it was to align military opinions before ramping up armaments.
Shortly after the discussion began, fierce debate erupted between the Army and Navy.
The reason was simple.
It was a budget fight.
They argued over where to allocate more as armaments expanded.
“Korea is a peninsula surrounded by sea on three sides. We have to protect our protectorate Japan, plus overseas territories Taiwan and the South Seas Islands. For a country like this, we need to build up the navy—what else is there?”
“Hey now. We have potential enemies like China and the Soviets. Do you have any idea how massive their armies are? Just the Soviet Reds alone have more than twice our ground forces. In wartime, that gap doubles. You want those guys hanging over our heads while skimping on the Army budget? That doesn’t make sense.”
As the generals heatedly debated, I watched with my arms crossed.
Truth be told, both sides had valid points.
Korea needed both a navy and an army.
But blood runs thicker than water—my leanings tilted toward the Army.
The reason was simple.
‘Sigh, boosting naval power would rile up the Anglo-Americans.’
If we could surpass Britain and America at sea, fine, whatever.
But we can’t.
If Britain and America started pouring real power into their navies, all our naval investments would turn into “never happened.”
Like that eight-arm disaster from World War I.
After a long while, I raised my hand to request the floor.
When the de facto military top dog like me asked to speak, everyone fell silent.
Marshal No Seong-guk said,
“Director-General, speak freely.”
“Yes, thank you. Then let me ask all you seniors just one thing. Who is this nation Korea’s main enemy?”
Some said the Anglo-Americans, thinking ahead to when we venture into the open ocean. Others said the Soviets, others China.
Uh, hmm.
And these were the words coming from this country’s highest minds.
Anyway, I got a good grasp of what those budget hawks were thinking.
We absolutely can’t give those bastards a dime.
Hand them naval power to defend the nation, and their guts swell up, talking nonsense like America’s the enemy.
‘These Prussian wannabes—why do they have to ape the Germans so much?’
Even suppressing the reverse coup had left Yi Seong-jun with a twinge of unease.
But not anymore.
I was certain now.
This militaristic Korea needed absolute leadership from Director-General Yi Seong-jun.
Hand it to these blockheads, and Korea was done for.
“Then, seniors. Do you know the extent of this nation’s power?”
“Well, we fall short of America, Britain, the Soviets, and Germany, but stronger than France—around fifth place?”
“Exactly. For a country like that to pick the world’s strongest nations as main enemies—does that make any sense?”
“Director-General, in war, national power isn’t everything. Especially the navy—once it tips, recovery is slow.”
“Did we have more shipyards than America?”
“Ahem.”
It was utter nonsense, honestly.
Just looking at steel production, Korea barely exceeded a fifth of America’s.
Challenging America at this weight class? That’s insane.
“But Director-General, this is preparation for emergencies. Even without war, to have bargaining power in negotiations, we need to bulk up.”
Not wrong.
An expanded navy would proportionally boost our leverage in talks over interests.
But Britain and America’s wariness would grow proportionally too.
They’re already on high alert over what we have now—want to make it worse?
Fat chance.
I stated flatly,
“This nation must never antagonize America.”
With me nailing it down like that, the naval brass coughed uncomfortably.
Of course, the Navy bigwigs weren’t sincerely itching to fight America.
It was rhetoric to snag budget.
But that rhetoric they trot out grabs their own ankles, locking them into a direction they can’t escape.
That’s why the Navy won’t do.
“Our main enemy is China—that’s plenty.”
This was nominal too.
I said China, but the real foe I was preparing for was the Soviets.
I had no plans to invade, but what if Stalin broke the non-aggression pact?
The debate wrapped up in an instant with my intervention.
“Then, for the 1938 supplementary budget, military allocations will be 80% Army, 20% Navy.”
Marshal No Seong-guk announced the end of the meeting, a faint smile of satisfaction on his face.
The naval officers, looking pissed, left the room with cold expressions.
Ha, people.
It’s all for Korea’s sake.
I clicked my tongue.