Chapter 301
Chapter 301
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Special Military Operation
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Korea reaped valuable spoils from the defeat of the Philippine military regime.
"From today onward, the Southwest Pacific is Korea's lake."
From the West Sea to Malacca, and from Malacca to Suez, the world's busiest sea lanes had fallen into Pyongyang's hands.
Control over these sea lanes further amplified Korea's influence over the Third World and its peripheries.
Even those who might dare to challenge Pyongyang could not ignore this new leash around their necks.
"Now, you can't survive a single day defying Pyongyang."
Fear of Pyongyang strengthened the cohesion within the Third World bloc.
That unity was as solid as the old First World alliances.
Having thus secured its backyard, Korea turned its gaze westward.
"Korea's future hinges on the gains we make in Africa."
For so long confined to routes between the Far East, Europe, and North America, Koreans' eyes finally reached Africa.
Korea aimed to seize this black continent's raw materials, completing the final piece of its hegemony puzzle.
"You think it'll be that easy? This is our turf."
Africa was a chaotic arena where the old imperialist powers, the United States, and the Soviet Union—the leaders of each camp—were all entangled.
Even with a solid foothold on the Indian Ocean coast, Korea could not guarantee victory.
But Lee Seong-jun had his own card to lead this fight to triumph.
"It's time to raise high the banner of Korean-style democracy."
If liberalism reigned in the United States and Europe, and communism in the Soviet Union, then Korea had its Korean-style democracy.
The reason this mishmash—not even a proper ideology—could serve as a trump card was simple.
"Dictators love it."
What other reason did anyone need?
Above all, Korean-style democracy had delivered decent results.
Nations that adopted this political system had achieved some economic growth and managed tolerable political stability.
These success stories instilled confidence in Africa's dictators.
Korea thus used countries embracing Korean-style democracy as bases to expand its influence in the region.
In response to Pyongyang's African penetration strategy, competitors rolled out their own countermeasures.
"Cross the Atlantic, and the world's biggest market opens up. You know economic growth is impossible without North America's market and dollars, right? Even the Koreans grew by leaning on our market!"
The United States dangled economic benefits,
"Liberalism is all empty talk. What can you expect from allies who ditch you when things go south? Even if our aid is a bit skimpy, the socialist camp sticks by you ideologically to the bitter end."
The Soviet Union offered ideology,
"Don't forget your entire economy is tied to us. Pull away even a finger, and you'll not only stall growth—you'll regress!"
The old imperialist powers resorted to threats,
"Hey, us white brother nations need to stick together. With blacks pushing for voting rights and all, it's already tough making a living."
White supremacist states like South Africa raised the banner of "white solidarity."
In this contest, Korea and the United States held the edge.
Old imperialist powers like Britain and France had little left beyond their past influence.
The Soviets fared better but had failed to install regimes, while white supremacist states like South Africa were increasingly isolated by rising black nations and losing ground.
Pyongyang and Washington.
Only the leaders of the First and Third Worlds wielded the power to shape Africa's fate.
The United States knew this well.
"We must cut off their beachhead before Korea advances across the Atlantic."
Washington first launched covert operations against Third World African states under strong Korean sway.
In a region where civil wars and coups erupted like daily meals, such meddling was hardly noteworthy.
The United States targeted the Nigerian Federation, backed by Korea, as its first mark.
"Arrogant fools, who do they think they are, making Third World noise on the Atlantic's doorstep?"
The United States funneled funds, weapons, and mercenaries to the Republic of Biafra (note: secessionist rebels who seized eastern Nigeria since 1967).
Using rebels to topple regimes was a staple tactic of the imperialist powers.
France, with sway in West Africa, also backed the Biafran rebels.
"Brother, don't forget our share. We were the ones who sparked the rebels in the first place."
In truth, France had supported Biafra before the United States.
France's motive was oil interests in the Nigerian region.
With great power intervention, the Biafran rebels regained momentum.
The Nigerian government appealed to Pyongyang for aid.
"Your Excellency, without Pyongyang stepping in, we cannot win this war."
Korea responded to Nigeria's plea by rising to the occasion.
"We've been playing nice—do they think we're suckers?"
Korea immediately brought the Biafra issue to the UN Security Council.
The United States vetoed Korea's resolution.
"This is an internal civil war beyond questions of legitimacy. It's not a matter of siding with one party—how can you even table a resolution?"
The U.S. veto was, of course, entirely expected.
No sooner had the resolution failed than the Korean government issued a hardline statement.
"The UN's impotence does not render Korea's security guarantees impotent."
Korea had tabled the resolution precisely to deliver that line.
"So, what can you do about it?"
The world figured Korea would stop at economic sanctions or modest military aid, like the United States or France.
But Korea's response shattered their assumptions.
"What do you mean? We're intervening!"
"What?"
Prime Minister Lee Seong-jun personally dragged his aging body to parliament, requesting approval for a "special military operation" to defend an "ally."
"This is not about protecting some obscure foreign nation. This is a fight to uphold Korea's credibility."
Korea’s parliament unanimously approved the special military operation.
"Wait, they decide on war intervention that easily? I thought Lee Seong-jun hated war."
The United States had anticipated Korea wouldn't sit idle.
But no one imagined Pyongyang would opt for such lightning military intervention.
Korea openly announced the deployment of an expeditionary force exceeding 40,000 troops to the press.
"You lot lack the pretext for troops, so you're stuck with mercenaries and funds? We're sending regular forces in the name of alliance. If you're so confident, bring it on."
Korea dispatched a carrier strike group centered on a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier to West Africa.
"This is the faith we show our allies."
The Third World's hegemon proved its security pledges not with words, but actions.
"Wait, jumping in this aggressively on the opposite side of the globe? Have you even crunched the costs?"
Even basic expenses weren't trivial.
"We've run all the numbers. It balances out—that's why we're doing it."
Pyongyang mobilized more than just the navy.
"We see it all. Your moves."
Using satellites in orbit and human intelligence, Korea closely monitored U.S. and French support flowing to Biafra.
Pyongyang tailored weapons aid to the Nigerian Federation based on this intel.
"We'll also provide a military advisory team and funds to Nigeria."
Whenever Lee Seong-jun submitted a bill to parliament, it passed like clockwork.
"Wait, aren't you in an economic war right now? This spending isn't burdensome?"
"Nope, no need to worry about us."
Korea's aggressive moves piled unbearable pressure on the United States and France, who had reached into the Nigerian civil war.
"The Koreans are dead set on seeing this through to the end."
There was only one way to reverse the tide.
The United States would have to fabricate its own pretext for intervention.
'But such farces only work once or twice—our own public won't buy it.'
Moreover, the opponent wasn't some run-of-the-mill weakling but the world's second superpower, Korea, armed with nukes and military might.
After agonizing deliberation, the Nixon administration judged retreat the wiser course.
"Then, we're out."
Washington cut Biafra loose the moment the math checked out.
"Wait, brother! What about us?!"
France couldn't simply abandon Biafra and withdraw from Nigeria like Washington.
"Why? Because of oil rights? Those were lost the moment Koreans intervened. Just shake it off and pull out."
"Who said it's about oil? It's our face, our prestige."
France didn't care about Nigeria's oil rights one way or the other.
What mattered was Paris's dignity.
Backing down without a fight in its virtual front yard could evaporate its influence over former colonies.
France floated backchannel talks to Korea for a face-saving exit, but Pyongyang didn't even scoff.
"So, who said to keep messing with a Third World member state?"
Korea showed France not a shred of mercy.
As news spread of the Korean navy steaming relentlessly toward Nigeria, the French realized they had no choice.
"We'll withdraw from Nigeria."
Prestige be damned—getting dragged into an unwinnable fight meant losing even what they could salvage.
France's retreat, representing the old powers, further elevated Korea's prestige in Africa.
"Trust the order and security framework guaranteed by Korea. We do not abandon allies."
By demonstrating what "security guarantees" truly meant through action, Korea's allure to African nations surged beyond measure.
In this process, unexpected figures began dreaming of lining up behind Pyongyang.
Among them was Robert Mugabe, the black resistance fighter of Rhodesia.