Chapter 299
Chapter 299
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Philippine Coup (1)
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The island nation of the Philippines, situated in the middle of the Southwest Pacific, had traditionally followed a staunchly pro-American line.
Washington had used this faithful ally as a base to steadily thwart Pyongyang's regional hegemony.
At the pinnacle of that effort stood the U.S. Seventh Fleet, based in Subic Bay.
"The fleet those American bastards parked here really gets under my skin."
Korea had long been laying the groundwork to push out America's shadow over the Philippines.
"Politics can't escape economic interests, can it? Isn't money the scariest thing in the world?"
Starting in the 1940s, Korea had gradually increased its share of trade with the Philippines.
The Philippines sold timber, tropical fruits, rice, and fish, while Korea supplied various industrial goods at low prices.
Korea used these economic ties to spread a certain logic throughout Philippine society.
"Security with America, economy with Korea."
"Not wrong, is it?"
In the Philippines' foreign trade, the share held by the Third World, led by Korea, approached 85 percent.
This overwhelming economic dominance was enough to turn the overseas Chinese capital, which controlled Philippine business circles, into a pro-Korea force.
"The one who pays the most is the friend. What's friendship got to do with it?"
They believed that for the Philippines to grow in the long term, it needed to bind itself closely to Korea.
The local boss factions that firmly gripped the political world also viewed the Korean approach positively.
"Ah, you can't ignore the market that buys our rice and fruits."
Even amid the massive profits from the Vietnam War boom, the interests of Korea and the Philippines only deepened.
Korea sprinkled cultural exchanges atop these tightening economic ties to foster a friendly atmosphere.
"Nothing builds closeness like the culture industry."
Korea steadily exported dramas, movies, novels, and pop music at low prices.
It also proposed joint drama and film productions in Manila.
"That sounds good."
The Philippines accepted Pyongyang's joint production proposals, thinking it could learn from Korea's advanced cultural industry know-how.
Of course, behind this lurked Yi Seong-jun's scheme.
Korea set the backdrop for these joint dramas and films in the "American colonial era."
This was a ploy to subtly highlight the Philippine War of Independence to Filipinos.
"Was there a war between us and America?"
Korea drove a wedge between America and the Philippines by using the narrative of the Philippine Independence War in films and dramas.
Of course, it didn't overtly emphasize a confrontation between America and the Philippines.
It just glossed over it as something that happened.
But there was no need to explain how those few lines or scenes would land with Filipinos.
Korea quietly did the groundwork and waited for the winds to shift.
It wasn't long before the first shockwave hit Manila.
"Paris Peace Accords signed! America betrays South Vietnam!"
Europe could brush it off as America cutting loose one underdeveloped Asian ally, but the feelings in fellow Asian nation the Philippines were entirely different.
"What if America abandons us too?"
This anxiety in the Philippines wasn't limited to the public.
Even the political bosses felt their faith in the "U.S.-Philippines alliance" shaken by the South Vietnam situation.
In the original theater, there was no alternative to the communists, so they stuck with America, but here there was Pyongyang as a viable replacement for Washington.
As worries about the future of the U.S.-Philippines alliance grew amid the shock of the Paris Peace Accords, a second shockwave arrived.
This time from Hong Kong.
With the collapse of the China Democratic Alliance over the Hong Kong handover issue, Manila realized the power structure in the Southwest Pacific had completely changed.
"Does this make us America's frontline?"
In the new Cold War where superpower Korea and America clashed fiercely, nothing was scarier than being on the front lines.
Korea steadily leaked the logic through overseas Chinese circles that if that was the case, wouldn't it be better for the Philippines to stand between the two giants and reap benefits?
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos found this argument plausible.
"Public sentiment is quite pro-Korea, and economic dependence is very high. Wouldn't neutral diplomacy be right around now?"
After much calculation, President Marcos decided to hedge his bets with Korea.
On July 1, 1969, Marcos boarded a plane as the first Philippine president to attend Pyongyang's Victory Day celebrations.
The U.S. ambassador sent a veiled warning about Marcos's actions.
"Your Excellency, Washington views your decision to go to Pyongyang with concern."
"This is just part of friendly diplomacy. Nothing for Washington to worry about."
Marcos ignored the warning.
Marcos's decision to join the Victory Day event was enough to shock the First World.
"Is the Philippines siding with the Third World?"
The Victory Day event in Pyongyang (note: commemorating the Empire of Korea's defeat of the Later Jin) saw massive attendance from Third World and non-aligned nations under Korea's leadership, as well as Second World countries.
Seventy nations participated.
Korean Prime Minister Yi Seong-jun greeted the lined-up foreign leaders one by one, as if receiving tributary envoys to the emperor.
Marcos, seeing Korea's overwhelming prestige, felt glad he'd joined.
"Scale-wise, it's more than half the world. With Korea's power like this, it's right to mind Pyongyang."
Marcos's gamble seemed to pay off.
Yi Seong-jun treated the militarily insignificant Philippines very generously.
"Stand next to me."
The Korean prime minister placed the Indian prime minister on his right and the Philippine president on his left.
Marcos felt satisfaction with this unprecedented protocol.
"Even so, they understand our big decision and treat us accordingly. Standing between Korea and America isn't so bad."
Of course, Korea's picture was a bit different.
"Look at the photo. The Philippines stands not with the First World, but with the Third World camp."
Korea broadcast photos and footage from the Victory Day event worldwide.
America felt considerable anger at the Philippines' participation.
Special Advisor Henry Kissinger argued that to maintain "alliance discipline," they needed to teach Manila a lesson.
"What option would be best?"
"Financial pressure."
A few days after the Victory Day event ended, Washington struck back hard at Manila.
"We will indefinitely postpone the loans we planned to provide to the Philippines."
They claimed it was due to incomplete paperwork from the Philippines, but everyone knew it was retaliation for Victory Day.
While America took this high-handed stance toward the Philippines, Korea showed deep understanding of Manila's position.
"Don't worry. Why wouldn't we know the Philippines was originally under American influence?"
Korea showed the face of a magnanimous great power and continued friendly gestures toward the Philippines.
It also didn't forget to promote this impression to Filipino youth.
"Doesn't Korea seem like a more reliable neighbor than America?"
Young intellectuals and college students in society began to form this perception as they watched events unfold.
"Showing a contrast makes it perfect."
Korea steadily reminded them through dramas, films, and media of America's past high-handed attitude toward the Philippines.
"Those guys were originally your rulers. Can rulers and the ruled be friends?"
"Shouldn't you get colonial reparations too?"
Korea slowly sowed anti-American sentiment with these messages.
Of course, sprinkling anti-American sentiment across society wouldn't overnight flip the Philippines' foreign policy stance.
But who could guarantee a pro-American policy line would continue when the national sentiment itself tilted anti-American?
That was Korea's aim.
"We've been patient enough. You expect us to sit with arms folded while this anti-American talk keeps coming?"
Washington tried pressuring Manila to restrict Korean content and anti-American media, but it wasn't enough to muzzle the relatively free Philippine press in Asia.
"Who are they to tell us what to say in our own country?"
America's pressure only fueled anti-American sentiment in the Philippines.
"Is it okay to openly interfere in internal affairs just because they're in a hurry?"
Korea mocked Washington for it.
If things flowed as Korea envisioned, the Philippines' neutralization or departure from the American alliance was all but certain.
Politicians can't ignore public opinion forever.
"We absolutely cannot tolerate that."
Washington racked its brains for countermeasures but found none.
In this scenario, time favored Korea more and more.
After much deliberation, Washington asked Langley if it had a solution.
National remodeling expert Langley offered this solution to the client's request.
"How about staging a coup?"
"Another coup?"
Nixon initially recoiled at Langley's logic, which always led to coups.
"Public opinion is tilting anti-American, and the president is pro-Korea. To reverse this, there's no answer but to flip the board."
CIA Director Kissinger lent his support.
"Your Excellency, empowering the military to seize power seems best for resolving this."
"But didn't using the military to crush by force fail in Eastern Europe?"
To the president's doubt, the CIA replied:
"If it's a place like Europe with developed public consciousness, maybe. But as Your Excellency knows, the Philippines is a primitive Asian country. It won't rise up if the military takes power."
The CIA cited per capita income as evidence.
The Philippines' per capita income was $500, nearly double the original theater's, but not enough to form a proper middle class.
"Fine, say that's true. Where do you get the legitimacy for a coup?"
"Use corruption in Philippine politics. We've prepared the materials."
The local bosses in Philippine politics were pro-American, but not equal allies of Washington.
They were mere disposable tools.
"One coup to oust Marcos and seize the media to block anti-American opinion."
Nixon initially resisted but, upon reflection, found the CIA proposal plausible.
After much thought, the president asked the CIA director:
"Are you confident?"
"It's not difficult, Your Excellency. The Philippine military is practically in our hands."
The CIA boldly guaranteed the coup's success.
After long deliberation, Washington decided to instigate a coup in the Philippine military.