Chapter 292
Chapter 292
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: New Cold War (2)
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Soon, a new Cold War with Korea as one of its poles would begin.
In fact, Lee Sung-jun brought it up whenever he had a chance.
“Today is the turning point.”
“Winter starts tomorrow.”
Whenever Lee Sung-jun raised alarms about impending crises, the government would tighten its organization, entering a state of emergency readiness to prepare.
Even though it was the same old story, they reacted this way because showing any laxness in a ‘crisis situation’ would bring down the wrath of their superiors.
The bureaucrats were devising countermeasures against the ‘new Cold War’ that Lee Sung-jun had warned about.
This was Korea’s prepared response strategy.
First, to prepare for a reversal in alliances, reinforce the chains binding the Soviet Union.
If America wanted to place Korea on the opposite side in the new Cold War, it would try to pull the Soviets to Washington’s side.
To counter that, they needed to tighten the noose around Moscow’s neck so tightly that it wouldn’t even dream of leaving Pyongyang’s embrace.
“The means we’ve prepared for that is extensive investment in the Soviet Union’s energy and railway infrastructure.”
They were already investing in gas pipelines and oil lines, but the bureaucrats argued for pouring even more money into improving the Soviet energy infrastructure and such.
This proposal was directly modeled on the economic diplomacy strategy that the French Third Republic had used on Tsarist Russia before World War I.
Back then, France had invested in the infrastructure and industries that Tsarist Russia needed, successfully preventing a union between its rival Germany and Russia.
“We won’t give the Americans any room to infiltrate. Sounds solid.”
Korea needed to block America’s approach at the source in the same way.
Second, expeditiously complete the global surveillance system, Cheonan.
Korea had already launched over 400 satellites into orbit.
But that wasn’t enough to eavesdrop on the entire planet.
The National Reconnaissance Office and Intelligence Command insisted on securing at least 500 satellites just for communications interception and reconnaissance.
“Anything less, and we can’t compete with America in intelligence capabilities.”
This wasn’t hyperbole.
America had initially lagged behind Korea in spy satellite numbers, but with its overwhelming quantitative power, it had begun to pull ahead in the competition.
America’s current total satellite count: 640.
Nearly 1.5 times more than Korea’s.
“We’ll increase the budget.”
The Korean government viewed losing this competition as unacceptable.
They didn’t need to spend on lunar exploration or space stations, but they couldn’t afford to lose the satellite race.
Third, prepare countermeasures against tariffs.
The countermeasure in question: subsidies for Korean goods.
“We give subsidies to products hit by tariffs, rendering America’s attacks pointless.”
The subsidies would come in the form of reduced electricity and water bills, tax breaks.
“Once we start handing out subsidies, tariff barriers won’t hold up.”
The cost would be covered by tariffs imposed on American goods.
“Sounds like something I heard from Trump.”
Fourth, divide the First World.
As a way to split America from Europe, the bureaucrats proposed this slogan.
“Security with America, economy with the Soviet Union.”
At first glance, it sounded absurd.
America’s economy dwarfed the Soviet Union’s.
But there was one hidden pitfall.
America was a trading partner across the Atlantic, while the Soviet Union was connected by rail.
Moreover, the Soviet Union and Second World had a combined population larger than America and Canada put together.
Decisively, Soviet raw materials were dirt cheap.
The Germans in the original timeline had been guzzling Russian gas so hard they didn’t even notice their machine guns turning into broomsticks.
“We’ll leverage these cheap raw materials and market access to make Western Europe dependent on trade with the Soviet Union.”
In fact, Korea had already laid the groundwork for this picture.
The gas pipelines to Western Europe were partially completed, already supplying gas to Austria and beyond.
Western European countries that had tasted this sweetness wouldn’t turn down trade with the Soviet Union.
“Is there a way to make this option concrete?”
“We’re thinking of brokering mutual recognition between East and West Germany.”
Reconciliation between East and West Germany.
It wasn’t as simple as it sounded.
West Germany fundamentally refused to recognize East Germany as a state.
The clearest demonstration of this was the Hallstein Doctrine, announced in 1955.
West Germany had made it crystal clear to the international community, under the Hallstein Doctrine, that it would establish diplomatic relations with only one of the two Germanys.
‘But principles exist to be broken.’
As could be seen with the Soviet exception, Lee Sung-jun believed the Hallstein Doctrine was inevitably breakable at any time.
“Have the Foreign Ministry push it forward.”
“We shall obey.”
If Korea threw its weight behind it, reconciliation between East and West Germany would proceed faster than in the original history.
Fifth, strengthen ties with the Middle East.
“The foundation of modern hegemony is ultimately oil. We need to take a more aggressive stance on oil resources.”
In the past, they might have been cautious due to friction with America, but with a new Cold War on the horizon, cowering wasn’t wise.
“Specifically.”
“We need to aggressively advance our companies into countries like the Arab Federation and Iran.”
Develop oil fields, secure larger import quotas.
“And?”
“We should actively export not just loans but also weapons to these countries.”
No regard for Israel or America’s glares.
It was a declaration of openly courting America’s animosity.
Well, in a new Cold War alignment, tiptoeing around America’s moods was pointless.
Sixth, flaunt Korea’s military power.
The Ministry of National Defense emphasized the need to visibly demonstrate Korea’s military strength to allies.
“To do that, we need to establish military bases in allied countries.”
From nearby Japan to the distant Horn of Africa, project Korean military power.
Only then could the stability of the bloc with Korea at its apex be assured, and allies could more tangibly feel the order imposed by Pyongyang.
This too required massive costs.
“If we’re building bases, where would be good?”
“Strategically, Djibouti, Ceylon, Indonesia, and Japan.”
Adding existing bases in Korean Taiwan and the South Pacific islands would cover the entire Korean sphere.
True to form as a nation that wielded rapid decision-making as its greatest weapon, Korea sprang into action.
“This is per the Prime Minister’s instructions.”
That one phrase smoothed legislation and budgets through the National Assembly.
This terrifying speed had overwhelmed Korea’s competitors all along.
The Korean government didn’t even give the Nixon administration time to react.
Major changes poured out immediately, starting with diplomacy.
“Korea’s pushing for East-West German reconciliation?”
“They proposed another massive loan to the Soviets?”
“Why are they suddenly reaching out to the Middle East?”
Korea extended hands in all directions.
“They’re even signing military base agreements with Third World countries.”
Washington only grasped Pyongyang’s intentions after Korea’s moves were underway.
“Are they planning a head-on clash with us?”
It was a shocking development for America.
Washington had always believed it held the initiative, but that was a delusion.
Korea had the ability to seize the initiative anytime it wanted.
It simply hadn’t felt the need before.
Nixon hurriedly reached into diplomacy to obstruct Korea’s moves.
“Shall we start with the West German issue?”
“East-West German reconciliation works in our picture too. Leave that alone. Focus on the Middle East first.”
The Nixon administration decided to clamp down on oil first.
But the power struggle in the Arab Federation and Iran wasn’t favorable to America.
“We give aid to the Jews, and they beg support from us? Where’s the logic in that?”
“You loved sanctioning us. Once you compensate for the damage we suffered then, we’ll consider holding Washington’s hand.”
The Arab Federation and Iran didn’t yield to Washington’s demands.
“For the same price, why side with you instead of Pyongyang?”
The problem didn’t stop at Middle Eastern oil.
“Why is Korea showering loans on the commies?”
“Looks like they’re trying to tighten the leash for good.”
In this picture, a U.S.-Soviet alliance was out of the question.
“What if we offer to repay Korea’s loans on the Soviets’ behalf?”
“Sir, the Soviets won’t volunteer to put our leash on themselves.”
Hand the leash to a former enemy nation.
If the Soviet leadership made that call, a coup wouldn’t be surprising.
Even if Moscow accepted the loans, American citizens wouldn’t buy it.
“Lend-lease thieves getting loans? Are you sane? If they default, it’s on you?”
While Washington couldn’t come up with a sharp counter, Korea kept painting a picture favorable to itself.
Diplomacy, politics, economy, security.
Korea methodically prepared to match America across all fronts.
Could you call an enemy that drew such a terrifying picture without the slightest hesitation ‘beneath’ America?
No, not at all.
That’s why they’d join hands with the commies if needed to win—because it was such a foe.
Nixon looked around at his aides.
The faces that had been brimming with confidence on the way into the White House were now rigidly set.
Even Kissinger, who had kept a poker face, was no exception.
The president read from their expressions how the new Cold War ahead would unfold.
The showdown with Korea would be a truly exhausting and grueling fight.
Grueling enough to cast doubt on his next election.
The president waved his hand, dismissing the aides.