Chapter 290
Chapter 290
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: 1968 US Presidential Election
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In early 1968, as Korea worried about the rogue nation Communist China, America was swept up in presidential election fever.
“Who’s the new face that’ll change America?”
“Eugene McCarthy! McCarthy!”
Senator Eugene McCarthy, representing the liberal wing of the Democratic Party, launched his bid for the presidency backed by the 67 Revolution faction.
“I’ll remake America anew. A country where everyone is respected and equal, where sexual minorities can hold their heads high. I, Eugene McCarthy, will turn America into a place that smells like people.”
Eugene McCarthy drew massive crowds of supporters at every campaign stop.
The leading figures of the 67 Revolution—Blacks, women, sexual minorities, and young college students—gave him their absolute backing.
“The only one we can trust is Eugene McCarthy. He’s the only one who can speak for us.”
Eugene McCarthy showed frightening momentum in the primaries.
He couldn’t match the incumbent President Lyndon Johnson, but his support dwarfed that of all other competitors.
Not only Senator Hubert Humphrey but even Robert Kennedy couldn’t stand up to him.
This narrowed the Democratic primaries to a two-way race.
Incumbent President Lyndon Johnson versus Eugene McCarthy, the idol of the 67 Revolution.
Their policies diverged as sharply as their supporter bases.
“I believe the United States should focus domestically instead of obsessing over war.”
Eugene McCarthy directly criticized Lyndon Johnson’s plunge into Vietnam.
Pro-war versus anti-war.
Interventionism versus isolationism.
Eugene McCarthy solidified his supporters by showing colors opposite to the president’s.
“Eugene McCarthy will change America!”
With the whirlwind he stirred up being so massive, his backers naturally believed without a doubt that he’d be chosen as the presidential nominee.
But the world’s affairs weren’t decided by popular support alone.
As Stalin had said, what mattered most was the will of those counting the votes.
The Democratic Party leadership had agreed in backrooms to push Lyndon Johnson as the next presidential candidate.
At the end of the primaries on July 6, 1968, Eugene McCarthy led with over 600 delegates secured, but the party had a card up its sleeve to flip that.
“What if the superdelegates all vote for Johnson? What’ll they do then?”
“What? They’re gonna run the election like that? Who’d support the Democrats if they pull that kind of stunt?”
“Hey, so you’re not voting Democrat then?”
The Democrats were confident they could get away with it.
“Better an incumbent president than some no-name senator—that’s the strategic choice.”
The senator’s supporters were outraged by the party’s logic.
“We’ll never accept that kind of backroom dealing.”
Protesters occupied key sites like the Chicago convention hall where the Democratic nominee would be decided, protesting fiercely.
Instead of yielding to their voices, the Democrats unleashed the police.
“These thugs supporting Democrats? Crush them.”
Thousands of police clashed head-on with tens of thousands of protesters.
“We won’t back down.”
Hundreds were injured or killed in the collision.
The police dragged thousands of protesters out of the convention hall through brutal bloodshed.
“This is Gestapo stuff, not what American cops should do.”
Eugene McCarthy’s supporters screamed in protest, but it was futile.
The Democratic leadership let delegates into the bloodstained hall and rushed through the vote.
The superdelegates cast their bloc vote for Lyndon Johnson as prearranged.
“President Lyndon Johnson, 1,700 votes.”
There was no way Eugene McCarthy could win after that.
As planned, the Democrats nominated Lyndon Johnson as their presidential candidate.
Amid delegates’ applause, Lyndon Johnson gave his acceptance speech.
Eugene McCarthy’s supporters gnashed their teeth at the sight.
“Boooo! Boooo!”
The boos from his backers were captured live on camera.
“How can a nominee get booed at the convention?”
The scene damaged Lyndon Johnson’s image.
“Your Excellency, the public has a short memory. They’ll forget in time.”
Lyndon Johnson shared his aides’ thinking.
“Yeah. The election’s just getting started.”
But before he could relax, shocking news hit.
An hour after Johnson was confirmed as the nominee, Lee Seong-jun declared victory in the war against Communist China from Korea’s National Assembly.
“I report to the people of the Republic of Korea that we have won the war against the People’s Republic of China.”
White House aides paled, guessing the shockwave this would send.
Sure enough.
The next day, the opinion onslaught began.
“Korea and the Soviets smashed Communist China’s 1.5 million troops in a month. So why are our expeditionary forces dragging their feet against far fewer Viet Cong?”
If we’re doing it, end it quick and clean like Korea.
In a way befitting a superpower.
“How do you fight a short war in Vietnam?”
Caught between public demands and reality, the White House could neither advance nor retreat.
As a result, Lyndon Johnson’s approval ratings plummeted as he sought reelection.
But there was no sharp fix for the immediate political crisis.
“It’s pitch black ahead.”
The Democrats’ crisis was a golden opportunity for the Republicans.
Republican frontrunner Richard Nixon grabbed the mic and tore into the administration.
“Look at the idiots in the White House. They’ve dragged on for six months against enemies little more than militia. Is this any way to act?”
“No way!”
“If our prestige keeps tanking like this, no ally will trust our power. Shall the nation that saved the world from Nazis in World War II face such treatment?”
“Dumbass Lyndon Johnson, resign now!”
The Republicans rallied supporters with fierce attacks on the White House.
The 67 Revolution leaders, furious at the Democrats’ shenanigans, sided with the GOP.
“This election, Republicans all the way.”
But this race wasn’t a two-party affair.
A third contender had emerged.
George Wallace, the independent (Southern Democrat) nominee who split from the party over civil rights—that was the man.
Wallace pitched new values to replace both Democrats and Republicans.
“Democrats, Republicans—they’re all washed up. Why? Jobs! No one’s got a real plan for the damn job problem. Is it so hard to push protectionism against freaking Korea?”
“Wallace! Wallace is the only one who speaks for us!”
George Wallace’s protectionism was enough to win over unions and the middle class.
“Protecting national jobs lets us protect families, order, and law. Jobs are the foundation of a healthy national economy.”
Wallace surged in polls by championing protectionism.
This forced even Republicans to mention tariffs on Korean goods.
“We’ll stop Korean imports.”
Lyndon Johnson’s dramatic fall ironically fueled anti-Korea sentiment.
Korea didn’t hide its displeasure at the candidates bashing it for votes.
“They beat us to boost polls. Our American friends underestimate Pyongyang too much.”
Korea’s old prime minister felt the need to act on America’s attitude.
“Time to shift American attention from Geumseolsan. You have a week.”
“We’ll see it done.”
The KCIA ran ads prepared for opinion manipulation in US media.
“Vietnam War: Your son could die.”
Americans were stunned by the unexpected message.
The ads also covered Agent Orange (note: defoliant) that US troops sprayed.
“Will you let your son suffer under defoliants?”
They didn’t outright call for anti-war, but ran anti-war-ish pieces, and sometimes pro-war ones.
“Losing Vietnam means losing our sole Asian foothold. That would make checking Korea’s Eurasian hegemony practically impossible. For national interests, we can’t retreat a step from South Vietnam.”
These conflicting ads spiked American interest in Vietnam.
“Why should our sons die in the Far East?”
“If it’s for national interests, a little blood’s worth it.”
Soon, candidates faced questions on it.
“What’s your stance on the Vietnam War, candidate?”
“We can’t retreat a step from Vietnam.”
Candidates aired their views in the press.
Their divided positions tangled supporter opinions into knots.
As the debate dragged on, protectionism faded to the background.
Korea periodically tossed out attention-grabbing bait like this to keep eyes off protectionism.
But it was obvious the issue would flare up under a new administration.
“Once a new president takes office, dodging headaches won’t be easy.”
“Still, if Republicans win, maybe tariffs stay at a negotiable level?”
“The era of leniency for fellow democracies based on ideology is over. Forgot how we proved ideology’s end with our own hands?”
What event showed ideology’s end more than a socialist state and democracy teaming up to smash another socialist state?
“Even so, they still have the Soviets as enemies.”
“Who knows how long that’ll last. Before interests, politicians sell any noble value.”
Cold, hard realism ruled the world now.
Nothing was guaranteed at its end.
Lee Seong-jun sensed a harsh winter coming.