Chapter 286
Chapter 286
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Nanjing's Rise
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As the United States began its full-scale intervention in the Vietnam War, the situation in the Far East started to shift at a breathless pace.
“Dollars are raining down from the sky.”
The U.S. had tried sourcing war materials from the Philippines, Hong Kong, and the Republic of China, but their industrial bases were qualitatively and quantitatively insufficient to meet the military’s demands.
That left the Americans with only one real option.
“Buy the shortfall from Nanjing.”
Even the mighty United States couldn’t completely ignore cost-effectiveness.
It was theoretically far cheaper and more efficient to purchase from Nanjing than to produce in the industrial heartland of America’s East Coast and ship across the Atlantic and Pacific.
This untimely war boom caused Nanjing’s economic growth rate to skyrocket.
“We’re using our own money to build up Nanjing, Korea’s appendage. Is this really the right move?”
Such skeptical voices emerged from the White House, but talk of doubling costs silenced everyone.
Of course, the U.S. government hadn’t jumped into buying from Nanjing without a second thought.
“Nanjing might get called part of Korea, but they’re a different regime at heart. If Nanjing grows too big, it’ll give Korea headaches, so if EA’s buying supplies, this is the best option for us.”
In reality, Korea was tearing its hair out over the war boom America had unleashed.
“With this, Nanjing’s growth rate is going to explode.”
Economic analysts projected Nanjing’s growth at up to 13 percent, factoring in the Vietnam War boom.
They estimated that if the war lasted just five years, Nanjing would easily surpass a third of Korea’s economy.
“Shouldn’t we put some brakes on Nanjing’s economic growth rate?”
Such arguments surfaced amid Nanjing’s explosive expansion.
The Prime Minister’s Office grappled seriously with the issue.
After much deliberation, the Korean government reached this conclusion.
“Let’s dial back corporate investments into Nanjing a bit.”
Anything more would risk being seen as excessive meddling.
While Korea agonized over Nanjing’s growth, Nanjing itself was thrilled by the unexpected windfall.
“We’re just sitting here, and dollars are multiplying like copies.”
Nanjing calculated it could rake in over $2 billion annually from the war boom.
Even for a giant like Korea, $2 billion was no small sum.
For a mid-tier nation like Nanjing, it rivaled their entire usable foreign reserves.
“Run the factories three shifts nonstop.”
Nanjing was buzzing with excitement over the greatest boom since its founding.
Nanjing’s top leader, Miao Bin, drew inspiration from Britain’s “I Back Britain” campaign and launched “I Back China.”
The campaign’s core message was simple.
“Let’s work an extra 30 minutes each day for the motherland. The more sweat we shed, the closer our country gets to Korea.”
Nanjing’s people rallied behind Miao Bin’s patriotic drive.
“We can give 30 minutes a day for our country.”
This would have been unthinkable back in the days they were derisively called Hanjian.
“You live long enough, you see everything. Nanjing’s Hanjian preaching patriotism.”
The elders were stunned to see people willingly taking overtime for the Nanjing regime.
That was how solid Nanjing’s legitimacy had become.
“Who’d call that anti-feudal regime China’s true government?”
Now, no one disputed that Nanjing represented China.
Even the refugees acknowledged it.
“A land with jobs and high wages—that’s the legitimate one.”
Work just one year in Nanjing, return to the Republic of China, and you could live like a rich man.
The gap between Nanjing and the Republic of China was that vast.
Nanjing broadcast its prosperity nonstop via radio and TV waves into the Republic of China.
Refugees then flooded from the Republic of China into Nanjing.
They were a short-term burden on Nanjing, but Miao Bin saw it differently.
“As low-wage labor grows, we just expand factories that need cheap hands.”
America and Korea would absorb whatever they produced anyway.
In this era of mass output, labor was the key resource.
Nanjing ramped up factories like mad.
Then they realized one thing they’d overlooked.
“Oh no, electricity.”
Factories needed power.
They’d expanded beyond plan, creating an urgent power crunch.
Circulation systems could mitigate it somewhat, but to solve it at the root, they needed more power plants.
Miao Bin considered options for tackling the power shortage.
First, thermal power.
“Coal-fired plants would be great, but we don’t have enough coal fields here.”
The mainland’s quality coal was held by Huabei or Korea.
With dollars and won already stretched thin, they couldn’t splurge on coal imports.
Second, nuclear.
But that was prohibitively expensive.
“To ensure safety, you need all those safeguards.”
Korea jacked up nuclear plant construction costs.
“With that money, we could build ten thermal plants.”
Miao Bin had to scrap nuclear too.
That left hydro.
“It prevents floods and droughts while generating power. Killing three birds with one stone, right?”
Once built, hydro plants churned out steady power with minimal upkeep.
Miao Bin decided on hydro, but there was a hitch.
“There’s no suitable site around here for decent output.”
To build, they’d need dams in Republic of China territory.
“How about we lure in a few warlords while we’re at it?”
Miao Bin first approached the Yangtze Clique warlords holding sway in Hubei and Hunan.
“Let’s make a deal.”
He proposed economic aid in exchange for building dams in their Hubei and Hunan territories and buying power from them.
“If you’re paying, no reason to say no.”
They were fellow Chinese anyway.
Once the deal with the Yangtze Clique warlords was sealed, Chongqing was dealt a heavy blow.
“Don’t forget you’re part of the Republic of China. How can you shake hands with Nanjing’s puppet scum?”
The Yangtze Clique warlords responded to Chongqing’s outrage with a sneer.
“Then give us the money.”
Chongqing couldn’t let it slide.
“Deploy troops.”
Chongqing mustered 50,000 soldiers to pressure the Yangtze Clique warlords.
“That all you got?”
Nanjing signaled it would back them with an equal 50,000—superior in both quantity and quality of gear.
“Touch them, and we’ll hand you your asses.”
Faced with Nanjing’s show of force, Chongqing tucked tail and retreated.
By winning the hydropower dispute with the Republic of China, Nanjing proved once more it was the top dog in Chinese circles.
This victory only boosted Nanjing’s momentum.
As Nanjing awoke to its own power, its diplomacy took on a bolder tone.
It remained cautious toward Korea, but attitudes shifted elsewhere.
“Excluding the big five—America, Korea, USSR, West Germany, Britain—we can take on anyone else, honestly.”
Nanjing’s military and economy had reached that level.
Thus, the Miao Bin regime adopted the slogan “Nanjing: Say What We Mean, Live Free.”
First off, they dropped the innocent act with weaker nations.
“Massacring overseas Chinese? Have they lost their minds?”
Nanjing spoke out on Malaysia’s anti-Chinese riots too.
“Apologize at the government level and pay reparations.”
“But overseas Chinese aren’t even your citizens.”
“Who says they’re not?”
Nanjing didn’t stop at words.
It announced economic sanctions on Malaysia.
Yi Seong-jun watched the Nanjing-Malaysia clash with mixed feelings.
“Now I get how America feels, stuck between Korea and Japan.”
Whenever Korea and Japan bickered over Dokdo or trade, Washington must have been mortified.
Take one side, and you’re in trouble; stay silent, and they riot anyway.
Korea had grown into a power facing that same dilemma.
“Wouldn’t it be better to give Nanjing a stern warning and make them back off?”
Pyongyang could do it if it wanted.
But was it worth provoking Nanjing’s ire just to rein them in?
If America intervened, that’d be different, but Washington wouldn’t side against Nanjing.
Nanjing was practically a U.S. war partner.
“Maintain strict neutrality.”
Yi Seong-jun overruled the Foreign Ministry’s push for action.
Pyongyang would sit this one out.
Yi Seong-jun had no desire to drag the Republic into an unrelated spat, wasting energy and time.
Malaysia might feel snubbed, but their feelings hardly mattered.
Korea’s stance was encouragement enough for Nanjing.
Leader Miao Bin responded to surging domestic calls with aggressive orders.
“Dispatch the fleet to the Johor Strait.”
Six destroyers, ten escorts.
Through this massive show of force, Nanjing flaunted its power at home and abroad.
Real Chinese everywhere grappled with complex emotions upon hearing of Nanjing’s fleet deployment.
Nanjing folk thought,
“Proud. Proud that the Republic of China National Government is my homeland.”
Huabei folk thought,
“If only we could be like that.”
Chongqing folk thought,
“When will it be our turn?”
Through this shift in perception, Nanjing shed its Hanjian image for good.
“Protecting the people and making them prosperous—that’s true legitimacy.”
An era dawned where even outsiders saw Nanjing as China’s legitimate voice.
No longer dismissed as Korea’s puppet.
They were China itself.