Chapter 284
Chapter 284
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: North China Separation
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I threw my full support behind the North China separation operation right after crushing China's dreams of reconstruction.
“With Chongqing’s incompetence on full display, this is the perfect chance to shatter the Republic of China into pieces.”
To add more sophistication to the North China separation efforts, we launched large-scale projects across various fronts.
The first was history.
“Can the history of North China—a region where countless ethnic groups periodically migrated in and established states—be seen as solely Han Chinese? It’s right to interpret North China as having its own unique historical identity.”
We poured over a billion won (more than $15 million) into research emphasizing the independence of North China’s history.
This project mobilized over 6,000 scholars from Korea, China, and Japan alone.
“North China having an independent history? What nonsense is that?”
Whenever people raised doubts about such claims, we deployed hordes of paid academics to push absurd arguments.
“Just think about it. Over thousands of years, where did the bloodlines of all those countless migrants to North China go? Isn’t their influence too vast to simply dismiss as becoming part of China?”
The goal of these manipulations was simple.
‘North China’ needed its own unique identity.
The Korean Social Science Academy named this project the “Southwest Initiative.”
The second was politics.
Korea was already effectively controlling North China through the North China Railway Corporation.
Yet we couldn’t change land ownership because our dominance was limited to the railways and the associated interests.
To solidify control over the region, we expanded our political influence over the local warlords.
Gathering intelligence on key warlord figures and providing bribes were basics.
“In truth, Pyongyang has far more to offer you than Chongqing. Don’t you want to securely pass your position to your heirs?”
We tempted them, promising to help with hereditary succession if they swore loyalty to Pyongyang.
In this way, we gradually tamed the warlords to our liking, tilting them toward Pyongyang.
Of course, we quietly made problematic figures disappear or replaced them.
Having witnessed Pyongyang’s covert displays of power, the warlords didn’t even dare think of opposing us.
The third was the economy.
We moved to sever the economic ties between Chongqing and North China.
“Do you really need to hang onto pitiful exports to the mainland?”
Just cross the sea, or load goods onto the railway, and you could ship massive volumes to Korea and Nanjing.
In contrast, selling to mainland China meant hauling goods much farther than to Nanjing or Korea.
Even that long overland route wasn’t safe.
With poor public security, bandits infested everywhere.
We exploited these weaknesses, urging them to focus on trade with Korea and the EA.
Even the North China locals couldn’t refute our logic.
Chongqing was no match for Korea in economic investment either.
Korea could pour in hundreds of millions of dollars at a whim, while Chongqing trembled over decisions involving mere millions.
Korea offered much and delivered much; Chongqing offered nothing.
Ignore ethnic sentiments, and it was obvious whom to rely on.
The fourth was a vision for the future.
I presented North China with this blueprint.
“What’s to stop North China from becoming a second Nanjing?”
Nanjing was currently the shining jewel of China.
It already rivaled major European powers in scale.
And with that scale came substantial economic benefits for Nanjing’s citizens.
“We’re different from those barbarians in the west. We’re the true heirs of China.”
That was how Nanjing assessed itself.
North China had long envied Nanjing’s position, so they couldn’t hide their excitement at the “second Nanjing” slogan.
“Better to thrive as part of Korean influence than scrape by as part of China.”
This hopeful mindset meant North China showed little resistance to our separation campaign.
The fifth was currency.
Officially, the Republic of China’s currency was still the fabi.
In practice, the won and dollar held sway, but the government had never changed its official currency status.
I shook even that minimal standing of the fabi in North China.
“From today, our province bans fabi use.”
We warlords and I claimed it was to protect people’s assets from inflation, but the intent was straightforward.
“From today, this region has no authorization for fabi. We use only the won.”
The sixth was culture.
To cement North China’s separation, we launched a “literacy eradication campaign” in the region.
“Hangul? Isn’t that the phonetic script Koreans made?”
“Come on, just try writing with it. It’s super easy and convenient.”
We promoted Hangul as a supplementary script to Chinese characters.
“You’ll be trading with Korea anyway—might as well learn Korean too, right?”
“Yeah, I guess that makes sense.”
Spreading Hangul was, of course, deliberate.
“The more cultural disconnect from mainland China, the less likely they’ll reunite.”
We pressed on with efforts to foster discord between China and North China.
Cultural support programs were part of that.
We bought up copyrights to old dramas, films, comics, and novels at low prices, then distributed them in North China nearly for free.
“You want singers to tour there too? North China doesn’t even make money.”
“Government funding for cultural industries will cover it—don’t worry.”
Live performances were essential too.
“Korea’s such a classy country.”
North China folks were overwhelmed by the soft power Korea unleashed.
“I wish I were Korean.”
Through long-term cultural industries, we aimed to shift their cultural affinity toward Pyongyang.
This is how we bolstered the North China separation operation.
By early 1968, the project had gained solid momentum.
“We plan to demand high autonomy from Chongqing soon.”
Autonomy in name, but tantamount to declaring de facto semi-independence.
Once even formal separation solidified, the Republic of China’s influence over North China would evaporate.
“This measure stabilizes North China.”
No matter who took power centrally, they couldn’t reverse the separation already in motion.
The Republic of China government’s attitude made it clear.
“Korea must immediately halt its divisive operations to separate North China. North China is inherent Chinese territory.”
Chongqing raised its voice whenever it could, but offered no real countermeasures to keep North China in its fold.
“It’s useless. No one listens anyway.”
“Seriously, no one’s listening to us.”
Realizing denunciations of Pyongyang fell flat, the Republic of China switched to propaganda warfare.
“Don’t forget the brutal wars Korea waged in North China in the early 20th century. Even before Park Han-jin, Korea invaded North China multiple times, slaughtering countless people.”
“Never forget those filthy gaoli bangzi are our millennium-old enemies.”
Anti-Korean propaganda began circulating in North China.
“Not bad.”
Even the civilian governments before Park Han-jin had invaded China at every opportunity.
The reasons were simple.
“We can’t let China reunify, right? If they do, they’ll march on Manchuria again. Better to launch a preemptive war first.”
They didn’t plunge deep into the Central Plains like Park Han-jin, but they routinely sent warships to shell cities and provoke militarily without hesitation.
The Chinese government dredged up photos and newspaper articles from those times to decry Korean imperialism’s savage atrocities.
I countered with reverse propaganda.
“Yes, Korean imperialism was barbaric back then. But was it as barbaric as the hyperinflation the Nationalists caused?”
Is it normal to load a cart full of fabi just to buy a loaf of bread?
Our counter-propaganda hit home effectively.
“You’re right. The Koreans were vicious, but they didn’t shatter family savings like that.”
North China’s public had long smirked at Chongqing’s Chinese nationalism.
Unless Chongqing offered gains surpassing Korea’s, mere emotional appeals couldn’t flip the board.
The Republic of China government’s last hope was America.
The US raised the North China issue in the UN Security Council.
“Korea’s North China separation scheme is behavior straight out of the imperialist era. Pyongyang must cease its divisive actions against the Chinese government and withdraw from North China.”
We met America’s North China resolution with a veto.
“Yeah, we’re a UN Security Council permanent member too. What are you gonna do when we veto?”
As history proved, no one could stop a permanent member from throwing its weight around.
“But there’s one thing we mustn’t forget in the North China operation.”
“What’s that?”
“We need to ensure North China doesn’t merge with the south.”
I didn’t assume allies bound to Korea would stay loyal forever just because they were tied to us.
Allies stay loyal to Korea for one reason.
Korea is stronger than them and shares the profits.
If that premise crumbles?
Loyalty to the suzerain vanishes, and attempts to reverse the power dynamic emerge.
As long as that risk lingered, the North China separation wasn’t truly complete.
I instructed the Intelligence Bureau director to keep close watch on the North China situation.