Chapter 281
Chapter 281
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Mass Operations (1)
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The United States decided to source additional troops for the Vietnam War from China, demanding that Chongqing dispatch forces.
“Chongqing’s sending troops to Vietnam?”
“They’re planning to send at least 300,000.”
“300,000.”
It was clear China saw a chance to profit handsomely from the Vietnam War boom.
“Your Excellency, if the Chinese send in a massive army, won’t North Vietnam hold strong?”
Even so, it wouldn’t be easy.
Unless the U.S. military intervened directly, North Vietnam wouldn’t be pushed back easily.
They had brilliant commanders, a consistent strategy from the national leadership on warfare, and the people’s fierce resistance against invaders—that was the strength of those Vietnamese communists.
“Of course, we can’t just let the Chinese do as they please. Tell Nanjing to ramp up the tension.”
From the start, I had no intention of allowing the Republic of China to pour a huge army into Vietnam.
A few days later, Nanjing held large-scale military exercises.
They didn’t say it outright, but the target was obvious.
“An attack on the Korean embassy, a member of the EA, is an attack on Nanjing too. We need to inspect our military’s readiness to prevent any repeat of such incidents.”
When Nanjing mobilized 80,000 troops for a show of force, the Republic of China immediately unleashed a barrage of condemnation.
“The puppet regime in Nanjing only dreams of fraternal slaughter. These war-crazed aggressors must immediately cease their provocative actions.”
In truth, Nanjing was just the beginning.
We sent our foreign minister to Tibet to sign a mutual defense pact between Korea and Tibet.
It didn’t specify the target, but anyone could see who it was aimed at.
China.
In this way, we intensified the pressure on the Republic of China.
“They still planning to send 300,000 to Vietnam after this?”
Our intimidation strategy worked.
The Chinese drastically scaled back their troop deployment plans.
Intelligence reported that their new plan was down to around 50,000.
“That’s more like it.”
If China couldn’t send a massive army, the U.S. would have to turn to mercenaries.
‘Even that’s just a few tens of thousands—do they think deploying over 100,000 is easy?’
To muster more headcount than they already had, the U.S. would need state-level negotiations.
Even if African dictators treated people like numbers, those talks wouldn’t be a walk in the park.
No dictator was handing over young conscripts for peanuts.
I figured the U.S. would be tearing their hair out over this.
‘Eh, that’s enough meddling in the Vietnam War for now.’
From here on, we needed to focus on our own business.
Our business meant bringing down China.
The naval blockade wasn’t yielding results thanks to U.S. interference, so we needed other means.
And the perfect tool for that? Money, of course.
Ironically, the Republic of China relied heavily on the EA economy.
The massive remittances flowing in from the EA were the lifeblood sustaining China’s economy.
So why hadn’t we touched those remittances until now?
To maintain the won’s influence over the Chinese economy.
Right now, the won dominated the Republic of China’s core currency transactions.
To hold that position, we had to keep supplying won.
But did we really have to keep it up?
Wouldn’t cutting off remittances bring greater gains than preserving won influence in China?
After much deliberation, I ordered discussions across various ministries and agencies.
The recent conclusion was in.
“Blocking remittances aligns with national interests.”
With consensus from key institutions like the Korean Economic Research Institute and major ministries, I decided to trust their judgment.
“Cut off all remittances flowing from the EA to the Republic of China.”
We immediately severed all remittance transactions linked to Chinese banks.
The moment we announced the halt, the official exchange rate between the won and the fabi skyrocketed dozens of times over.
The black market rate exploded without any ceiling.
Chongqing didn’t hide their fury.
“The remittance cutoff is a vile economic sneak attack by the Gaoli Bangzi. Zhonghua will never yield to such tricks.”
Chongqing made it clear they were digging in for the long haul.
But the shock from the won remittance halt was devastating.
Inflation in China surged to murderous levels.
“What do you mean they won’t take fabi for goods?”
“Who’d trade with money that could turn to toilet paper any day?”
With everyone desperate for the dwindling won in circulation, the fabi’s value plummeted with every breath.
To fix this, China requested dollar loans from the U.S.
It was one of the options we’d anticipated.
“They’ve secured a $2 billion emergency loan from Washington.”
“Wonder how long that’ll last.”
Could a U.S. loan replace the huge won remittances from EA refugees?
‘If they want more, they’d have to send a massive army to Vietnam—but we blocked that too.’
Before the Republic of China could respond, we activated our second option.
After remittances, it was smuggling trade with the EA.
We launched crackdowns focused on EA border regions where smuggling occurred.
We even deployed major intelligence assets like reconnaissance aircraft.
“Go ahead, try smuggling now.”
Huabei was the exception.
The Huabei warlords got special treatment—they could keep trading and remitting with the EA.
In exchange, there was a condition.
“Under no circumstances can won or goods flow into China proper. Got it?”
“Of course.”
The Huabei warlords weren’t dumb enough to cross their leashed master.
As I tightened the noose around the Republic of China’s neck, I monitored Chongqing’s situation.
“This is all the handiwork of Korean imperialists. We must not waver under their schemes.”
Chongqing tried dumping the people’s anger onto Korea.
They ramped up anti-Korean propaganda to a whole new level.
We immediately applied pressure to Chongqing.
“Cease all insulting propaganda against Korea at once. Otherwise, we’ll deem it provocation against Pyongyang and impose further sanctions.”
Under our threat, Chongqing pulled back their overt anti-Korean rhetoric.
I sneered at Chongqing cowering the moment I raised my fist.
If you’re gonna do it, go all the way—stopping halfway was worse than not starting.
Inside China, voices demanded they keep protesting Korea.
“Is the government full of traitors? Why can’t they even say the obvious?”
The regime had been soothing the masses by railing against Korea—now they couldn’t even do that?
Their approval ratings were bound to tank.
“You Hanjian scum! I’m ashamed I ever supported you.”
Unable to withstand the drop, Chongqing played the propaganda card again.
“You out of your minds?”
I didn’t just sit by as China spewed anti-Korean venom.
“China’s anti-Korean propaganda is a national provocation. Chongqing needs to realize this is what led to incidents like the embassy occupation.”
I broadcast the most inflammatory phrases from their propaganda worldwide.
“You still siding with the Chinese after this?”
There was good reason for taking the PR war global.
We needed to justify our actions to the world for the next step.
After consulting Tibet, I prepared a missile test.
On December 5, we launched four ICBMs toward Tibet.
The Republic of China lost it over the “continent-piercing shots” streaking over their heads.
“Look at Korea’s mad provocation. Is this what a UN Security Council permanent member does?”
“This is our hello in response to your bullshit. Don’t piss us off if you can’t handle it.”
The ICBM show of force was effective.
The Republic of China trashed Korean imperialism verbally but acted more honestly than anyone.
Their anti-Korea broadcasts vanished again.
Our hardline responses and Chongqing’s retreats.
Each cycle eroded Chinese support for the Chongqing regime.
“Can’t we just stand tall against Korea for once? How long will our government grovel to those bastards?”
China standing up to Korea?
A pipe dream, considering reality.
The world’s number-two power versus China barely clinging to top-ten status—they weren’t equals.
Didn’t the great teaching say small states shouldn’t defy great powers?
I kept hammering the Chinese government economically, politically, and militarily while running operations inside.
What operations inside?
The core was General Ku Yu-pang, a Chiang Kai-shek loyalist who survived the new regime’s purges.
Ku Yu-pang, from the “impure” fourth class of Whampoa Military Academy.
I saw this last surviving Chiang loyalist as the key to our China operation.
“Ku Yu-pang is plotting a coup.”
To unsettle the Chinese military, I kept leaking rumors of coups by their generals.
And I backed it with plausible details.
“Our government trusts the loyalty of our senior officers.”
Chongqing didn’t buckle easily under our info war.
That was within expectations.
With the world’s CIA having their back, why would China fall for it so simply?
Our target wasn’t Chongqing.
It was the Chinese people.
“Who is Ku Yu-pang? He’s Chiang Kai-shek’s butcher, the man who’d arrest 99 innocents to catch one guilty. Why keep using a monster like that?”
We got Chongqing to affirm trust in their generals, then immediately attacked Ku Yu-pang.
Everything from his past statements to his mindset became propaganda fodder.
Soon, Chinese public opinion boiled over.
“Cut off the human butcher Ku Yu-pang now.”
The Chinese demanded the general’s dismissal.
This put the Chinese government in a bind.
Don’t fire Ku Yu-pang?
Public opinion sours.
Fire him?
It means their professed trust in the military was worthless.
Faced with this dilemma, the Chinese government dithered.
I seized the hesitation to launch the next phase of the operation.