Chapter 274
Chapter 274
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Prague Spring (1)
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The Soviet Union watched with great pleasure as the 68 Revolution set the Western world ablaze.
"Wouldn't it be a good idea to show solidarity with the young students in the West while we're at it?"
It wouldn't hurt to win some favor with young leftists(?) like Lee Seong-jun.
"Well, we need to keep ties with the Western European leftists if we want a revolution in Europe too. Let's do it."
With calculations like these in mind, the Soviet Communist Party issued a statement supporting the 68 Revolution.
"We believe the reformist voices of the youth are the driving force that will change the world. The outdated Western governments need to reflect and listen more to the voices of young people."
But even with this declaration of support from Moscow, the young people of Western Europe weren't grateful in the slightest.
"What the hell are the commies saying?"
Instead, the Soviet statement had a massive impact not on its intended target of Western Europe, but on Eastern Europe.
"Instead of meddling in Europe, the communists should reflect on their own rule!"
The citizens of Eastern Europe, worn down by massive military spending, economic stagnation, and repressive communist rule for so long, had just been waiting for a spark to vent their frustrations.
Moscow's statement in this situation was more than enough to serve as that detonator.
"Huh?"
The Soviet Communist Party didn't even have time to panic.
"We demand reform!"
Starting with discontent brewing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland began to stir.
Having experienced several anti-Soviet uprisings in the 1950s, the Soviets instinctively knew the situation was grave.
"If Novotný had ruled Czechoslovakia properly, would all this noise have started?"
After much deliberation, the Soviet Communist Party decided to soothe Czechoslovakia's discontent.
They began searching for a successor to replace Novotný.
"Shouldn't we pick someone who can push through some moderate reforms, at least?"
That was the only way to calm things down in Czechoslovakia.
After careful consideration, the Soviet Communist Party decided to install Alexander Dubček, the leading reformist, as the First Secretary of Czechoslovakia.
"He's a guy who even studied political science in Moscow, so we can trust him, right?"
Novotný was powerless against the Soviet policy.
"Moscow says it's time for you to step down."
"Ah, I understand."
The leader of a satellite state couldn't defy Moscow's word.
Once the reformist Dubček took over as head of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, the boiling anger of the citizens began to cool.
"Now we're getting reforms too!"
Moscow thought their measures had worked.
"Dubček won't defy Moscow, so he'll just put on a show of moderate reforms and call it a day."
But they failed to notice one critical mistake.
"The young people of Western Europe are demanding reform and standing up to authoritarian governments. How could a politician waving the flag of reform betray the people's expectations?"
Unfortunately, Moscow had misread Dubček's tendencies.
The new leader of Czechoslovakia, Alexander Dubček, unveiled reforms beyond anyone's imagination right after taking power.
"We will guarantee freedom of the press, assembly, and association."
"What? What did you say?"
This was a reform utterly unacceptable in the controlled societies of the communist bloc.
But it wasn't even the end of the reforms.
This was just the beginning.
"We will rehabilitate those who were purged."
"What? What did you just say?"
He promised to rehabilitate the countless dissidents purged to solidify communist power.
This was tantamount to a challenge to the communist one-party dictatorship.
"We'll replace personnel too. To carry out real reforms, we need people who work together. We'll cut all the conservatives."
"That guy's lost his mind."
The Soviets were appalled by Dubček's reforms.
Undeterred by Soviet anger, Dubček drove the wedge deeper.
"Substance over form! We need to pursue successful models instead of our inefficient planned economy and socialist system."
He would introduce capitalist elements into the economy and democratic elements into politics.
The direction of these reforms was clear to anyone.
Post-Yushin Korea.
Dubček's reforms were unmistakably heading toward Korean-style democracy.
Moscow immediately began discussing countermeasures.
"We can't just let Dubček's reforms slide. If we do, it'll inspire calls for Korean-style reforms all around Czechoslovakia."
Both conservative Brezhnev and progressive Shelepin agreed that Dubček's reforms couldn't be ignored.
"So what do we do?"
"First, send a warning to stop the reforms."
Of course, words alone wouldn't sway them—they needed to show their fist.
"Mobilize the military."
At Moscow's order, Warsaw Pact forces mobilized 100,000 troops and staged a show of force near the Czechoslovak border.
Czechoslovakia felt threatened.
"Hungary got crushed the same way before. Comrade First Secretary, reforms are fine, but we have to think about the people's safety too."
Dubček knew the fate of Imre Nagy's regime.
'But this is the 1960s. The whole world is shouting for de-authoritarianism and reform—can they openly point guns at us?'
With European youth showing solidarity for Czechoslovakia's reforms, the Soviets wouldn't dare use force.
Confident in this calculation, Dubček notified Moscow that he would continue the reform policies.
"That doesn't mean we're leaving the Second World. We'll fulfill our duties in the Warsaw Pact and COMECON."
"The key is for you to abandon your reforms."
Even under Soviet threats, Dubček didn't budge an inch.
This forced Moscow to consider military options.
"Why hesitate? That guy's a reactionary like Hungary's Imre Nagy."
Conservatives and the military demanded crushing Czechoslovakia with hardline voices.
Powerbroker Alexander Shelepin disliked the hardliners' push for military intervention but stayed silent.
Shelepin and his allies' silence led to a decision for military intervention.
"But first, we need to resolve one issue."
"Comrade, what do we need to resolve?"
"Our intervention could provoke the great powers, so we need approval from Washington and Pyongyang, don't we?"
In this world, there were two superpowers that could object to Soviet actions.
Moscow made calls to secure the superpowers' consent.
"Mr. President, we'd like to know Washington's view on the Czechoslovakia issue. Does the U.S. government intend to honor the agreements from Yalta and Potsdam (the division of Europe)?"
The Lyndon Johnson administration was already overwhelmed by the aftermath of the 68 Revolution sweeping the West.
Even if they had the capacity, they had no will to intervene.
'If we provoke Moscow further here, the path to détente will be completely cut off.'
With this in mind, Washington conveyed that it would acquiesce to Moscow's actions.
"We've always kept our promises."
With the U.S. clearly stating no intervention in Eastern Europe, the Soviets felt much less burdened.
"What about Korea?"
The communists were most worried about possible Korean involvement.
The 'senile' Lee Seong-jun might support Czechoslovakia's shift to Korean-style democracy.
If Korea decided to intervene, they could apply pressure through aid cuts and various other means.
That would have been a nightmare for Moscow.
"Pyongyang has conveyed their silence as well."
Fortunately, the suspect Lee Seong-jun didn't step up to help Czechoslovakia.
Only after confirming Korea's non-intervention did everyone breathe a sigh of relief.
"If Pyongyang and Washington will acquiesce, then we're done."
With the great powers' approval, the Soviets prepared for military intervention in Czechoslovakia.
Even with superpower acquiescence, dragging it out could invite variables.
They needed to suppress Czechoslovakia swiftly in one go.
"We'll commit 200,000 troops."
Deploying 200,000 troops to topple a nation of just 10 million people.
The scale of forces showed the Soviet Communist Party's resolve was ironclad.
"What about the justification?"
"How about 'fraternal intervention'? If a brother goes astray, the big brother has to set him straight."
It sounded like utter nonsense to anyone.
Brezhnev, listening to this absurdity, proposed his own logic.
"For the benefit of the entire socialist camp, individual national sovereignty can be limited. Isn't that much easier to understand?"
This was ridiculous too.
'Is it okay to so brazenly push "red imperialism" like that?'
As the Soviet Communist Party struggled to conclude, someone suggested:
"How about framing it as intervening at a plea for help from inside Czechoslovakia?"
"What are you talking about? Who's pleading for our help?"
"We can just use the names of some ousted conservatives."
Intervene to quell unrest at the request of elements within the Czechoslovak government.
It was still nonsense, but more plausible than the earlier arguments.
"Let's settle on that justification."
The Soviet Communist Party had no intention of dragging this out.
Once the Central Committee decided, Soviet Defense Minister Andrei Grechko issued invasion orders to the Pact forces.
The invasion began with Soviet airborne troops.
AN-24s crossing the Czechoslovak border first radioed Prague Airport requesting emergency landing.
"What? They want to make an emergency landing due to aircraft failure?"
They couldn't refuse.
No matter the pretext, the Soviets were Czechoslovakia's allies.
"Grant landing permission for now."
The AN-24 transport carrying the Soviet airborne vanguard thus made an emergency landing at Prague Airport.
"So, comrades, what's the problem? Whoa."
The Soviet troops revealed their true colors immediately upon landing.
Soldiers from the Soviet 7th Guards Airborne Division swiftly seized the airport control tower and facilities.
"Now land."
At the vanguard's signal, the main Soviet airborne force aboard AN-12s descended on the airport.
The AN-12 transports disgorged armored vehicles and troops upon landing.
The 7th Guards Airborne's raid was just the beginning.
At the same time, northern and southern group armies under field units, along with Polish and Hungarian ground forces, invaded from the borders.
"What? The Pact forces are invading? How could Moscow do this?"
The Czechoslovak government was dealt a massive shock upon receiving the report.
They wouldn't act like this without intending to ruin the communist bloc's reputation.
"Moscow's behavior proves they are red imperialists!"
The Czechoslovak government's denunciations meant nothing.
From the moment they boldly played their hand, risking reputational damage, control of the situation had passed to Moscow.
"Advance! Keep advancing!"
The Pact forces surged toward Prague without hesitation.
The Czechoslovak government now had only one option left.
"Request mediation from Pyongyang and Washington."
In a last desperate act, the Dubček government reached out to the two superpowers that could rein in the Soviets: Korea and the United States.