Chapter 27
Chapter 27
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Translator: crow
Chapter 27
Chapter Title: The Art of War (3)
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On December 25, 1937, as the Chinese army put the finishing touches on its preparations for an offensive, Soviet dictator Stalin received a letter sent in the name of Korean Prime Minister No Jae-woo and fell deep into thought.
“Clearly delineating the spheres of influence between our two countries and cleanly settling all previous hostilities. Hmm, that doesn’t sound bad at all.”
The General Secretary, already on edge from the growing threats in the west, took an interest in the “Soviet-Korean Non-Aggression Pact” proposed by Korea’s real power holder, Lee Sung-jun.
Stalin issued the following directive to the Foreign Ministry.
“Consider the Koreans’ proposal.”
Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov, receiving the General Secretary’s orders, responded favorably to the Soviet-Korean Non-Aggression Pact.
“In the end, the enemy threatening our federation’s survival is Germany to the west. Geopolitically, turning Korea into an enemy would scatter the resources we need to focus on Germany, which would not benefit the federation’s survival.”
When word spread that the Foreign Ministry was reviewing the Soviet-Korean Non-Aggression Pact, voices of concern arose from some quarters within the Soviet Communist Party.
“The Korean militarists are the greatest enemies of our proletarian brothers in East Asia. Holding hands with them risks shattering the faith that East Asia’s socialist brothers have in the Comintern. Moreover, aren’t the Koreans right now slaughtering the proletarian comrades in Spain, standing shoulder to shoulder with the fascists?”
Despite the opposition within the party, Stalin paid it no mind whatsoever.
The General Secretary reviewed the Foreign Ministry’s report, punched some numbers into a calculator, and reached the conclusion that the pact was worth accepting.
“Reconciling with Korea seems to serve the federation’s national interests.”
Once the dictator’s intentions leaned toward non-aggression, the dissenting voices in the party vanished in an instant.
Those who failed to read the room had long since disappeared into the Gulag or “somewhere.”
Thus, the party could unite as one to carry out Stalin’s command.
Stalin sent a letter to Korean Prime Minister No Jae-woo.
In substance, it was a reply to Lee Sung-jun.
“To Prime Minister No Jae-woo. Our federation has decided to accept your proposal positively. If both nations intend to build a new relationship together, we must hurry. To that end, I propose that you receive my Foreign Minister on January 8, or no later than January 10.”
Lee Sung-jun sent a reply.
Of course, he borrowed Prime Minister No Jae-woo’s name.
“To General Secretary Stalin. Thank you for your letter. I hope that the non-aggression between Korea and the Soviet Union serves as the occasion for improved political relations between our two countries. The Korean government agrees to Foreign Minister Litvinov’s visit to Korea on January 8.”
Stalin’s response was immediate.
“Foreign Minister, depart for Korea right now.”
On January 8, 1938, Soviet Foreign Minister Litvinov visited Pyongyang.
At Pyongyang’s Nakwon Station, Korea’s real power holder, Lee Sung-jun, personally turned out in a dramatic welcome for Litvinov.
Litvinov, aware that Sung-jun was the true authority in this country, was delighted.
Sung-jun went with Foreign Minister Lee Seo-young to the Foreign Ministry and observed the negotiations.
Formally, it was a negotiation between Foreign Minister Lee Seo-young and Litvinov, but in reality, it was a conversation between Sung-jun and Litvinov.
The talks proceeded briskly.
Sung-jun agreed to demarcate the borders in the disputed areas of Mongolia and Outer Manchuria, where territorial disputes existed between the Soviet Union and Korea.
He also firmly promised to withdraw the expeditionary forces dispatched to Spain as soon as possible.
The Spanish Civil War was a conflict outside Sung-jun’s interests anyway.
In exchange, Sung-jun made several strong demands.
First, cut off all aid to China.
Second, restrain the Chinese Communist Party’s anti-Korean campaign.
Third, export the resources Korea needed.
Litvinov saw it as a deal where the Soviets lost nothing.
Aid to China had only been considered to fill the gap left by Germany, with nothing concrete done yet.
The Chinese Communist Party issue was easy too.
From the start, the CCP was more interested in expanding its power base than anti-Korean activities.
They relied on funds from the international party, so a single order from the Comintern would make them drop the anti-Korean efforts.
Resource exports posed no problem either.
Korea was providing machinery and consumer goods in payment, so the federation suffered no losses.
These were all reasonable demands with minimal downsides.
In return, what the federation gained was clear.
‘Stability on the eastern border.’
For the Soviets, eager to focus on the German front, it was a benefit worth paying a considerable price for.
Once the negotiations concluded, Litvinov and Lee Seo-young shook hands.
“Alright, let’s take the photo.”
That single photograph sent shockwaves around the world.
The most militaristic nation on earth, the Prussia of the Far East known as the Great Korean Empire, had joined hands in reconciliation with the Soviet Union, which recoiled at the mere word “imperialism.”
The person most shocked by this was none other than Chiang Kai-shek.
“This is absurd. How could the Soviet reds join hands with the Korean imperialists?”
There was a reason for Chiang Kai-shek’s shock.
He had planned to fill the gap left by Germany’s arms supplies with aid from the nearby Soviets.
But Moscow had gone and signed a non-aggression pact with Pyongyang.
What was a non-aggression pact?
Wasn’t it a de facto alliance treaty prohibiting any aid to a third country at war with the other party?
Chiang Kai-shek nearly collapsed from the Korea-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact but somehow endured the shock.
But the shocks didn’t end there.
“Britain and France have banned arms sales. Their excuse is maintaining wartime neutrality.”
Chiang Kai-shek felt like his throat was being strangled.
Already, much of China’s industrial capacity had fallen into Korean hands, and now overseas arms supplies were cut off too.
The United States was an option, but they were isolationists far away with no interest in breaking wartime neutrality.
But Korea’s attacks didn’t stop there.
“Even after starting the Sino-Korean War, Park Han-jin never declared war on Nanjing. Because of that foolish mistake, China was receiving customs duties from our occupied territories and using them as war funds. Isn’t it time to stop such stupidity?”
The Korean government issued a formal declaration of war on Nanjing.
This strangled China’s funding lifeline, piling a double blow on top of the blockade.
In this situation, the Chinese army launched a large-scale offensive in hopes of some political gain, but it yielded no meaningful results.
The Korean defenses, anticipating the assault and thoroughly prepared, did not waver under any Chinese attack.
The offensive ended in failure, producing only massive casualties.
The Chinese government couldn’t even secure a minor victory to shake the Lee Sung-jun regime.
Far from it—they found themselves in dire straits.
The enormous arms and funds expended on the offensive.
Now, there was no way to replenish them.
If the Koreans attacked now, they wouldn’t just fail to defend Nanjing—they’d have to cede the fertile Yangtze River basin entirely.
Even Dai Li, head of Chiang’s most loyal intelligence agency (the BIS), advised negotiations.
“Your Excellency, you must now consider compromise with the Koreans.”
Chiang Kai-shek was prepared to fight to the end, but the enemy was throttling China not with guns and blades, but in an entirely different way.
Unable to hide his grim expression, he said bitterly,
“Prepare for negotiations.”
*
Prussian war historian Carl von Clausewitz said,
“War is the continuation of politics by other means.”
As Clausewitz stated, war is merely an extension of politics, yet far too many became so engrossed in it that their vision narrowed.
Prime examples were the German and Imperial Japanese armies during the World Wars.
They were convinced that victories won through blood and sweat guaranteed national triumph, but in pursuing unattainable goals endlessly, they led both themselves and their nations to ruin.
Their lesson was simple.
Don’t become so absorbed in war, which is merely a “means” to achieve political ends.
I acted faithfully to Clausewitz’s maxim.
To achieve the goal of China’s submission, I mobilized every means beyond warfare.
The result was this.
The Republic of China government conveyed through Britain that they wished to coordinate negotiation terms.
They hadn’t suffered a fatal blow in battle, nor had their capital fallen.
Yet China felt itself at a disadvantage.
Because I made them feel that way.
I demanded that they send a special envoy.
On February 9, 1938, China sent the archetypal collaborationist Wang Jingwei to Pyongyang, clearly signaling their willingness to talk.
Wang Jingwei was a Hanjian (traitor to the Han) in both the original history and webtoons, so I welcomed him gladly.
Of course, unlike with Litvinov, I didn’t go out to greet him personally.
No excessive hospitality was needed; Wang Jingwei was already prepared to submit to Korea.
Foreign Minister Lee Seo-young received Wang Jingwei in my stead.
I sat in the back of the conference room and just listened to the talks.
We had no intention of changing our conditions anyway, so China just needed to come around.
Wang Jingwei started with pleas, then excuses, but when we didn’t budge, he accepted our demands in apparent resignation.
The resulting draft agreement was as follows.
Sino-Korean Peace Treaty.
Article 1. The Chinese government cedes all railway lines north of the Huai River, along with all rights to build railways, to the “North China Railway Company” established by the Korean government.
Article 2. The North China Railway Company is guaranteed the right to maintain a separate security force to protect its railways and assets.
Article 2, Paragraph 1. The security force shall be limited to no more than 15 battalions.
Article 2, Paragraph 2. The stationing and movement of the security force shall require consultation between Korea and China.
Article 3. The North China Railway Company has the right to purchase land necessary for railway operations and track laying, and to use it commercially.
Article 4. Railways and other facilities under the North China Railway Company’s jurisdiction shall be Korean extraterritorial zones.
Article 5. Chinese employees of the North China Railway Company shall in principle be subject to Korean law.
It was an utterly unreasonable unequal treaty.
But China had no other choice.
With arms and funds cut off, and Korean troops coiled right before Nanjing, what could they do?
Two and a half months after seizing power in a coup.
I had succeeded in subduing China.