Chapter 269
Chapter 269
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Blackmail
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Pyongyang's response to the Korea threat theory sent chills down spines in Washington.
What if checking Korea led to a Korea-Soviet alliance creating a 2:1 dynamic?
They never imagined Korea would dare go that far.
A senile old man might make such an extreme choice.
"Your Excellency, this is just the Koreans bluffing. You can't let it shake you."
White House staffers assured him Korea could never side with the Second World.
Abandoning the First World market entirely would end Korea's miraculous growth.
No, it would mean bracing for economic retreat.
Could Pyongyang stomach such losses?
Even if Yi Seong-jun could, not all the bureaucrats under him would think the same.
The president figured Korea wouldn't dare either.
"For now, let's see how things—"
"Your Excellency, please watch TV."
As Lyndon Johnson started to speak, an aide rushed in and turned on the television.
The staff and president turned puzzled eyes to the screen.
Shocking news was playing on TV.
"Korea-Soviet joint military exercise?"
"Wasn't that a dead letter?"
Korea and the Soviet Union had formed an alliance during World War II.
This security pact had persisted steadily even after the war.
Though its intensity and content weakened with each renewal, the alliance treaty itself remained alive.
Everyone knew the fact, but no one attached meaning to the hollow Korea-Soviet alliance that had lost its significance.
The shock was palpable now that this ghost had suddenly revived.
Of course, the joint military exercise wasn't on a grand scale.
Korea and the Soviet Union mobilized small forces of 1,000 men each.
The issue was the symbolism.
Korea and the Soviet Union had resumed military cooperation.
The repercussions of this fact could not be ignored.
'We've been had.'
Lyndon Johnson belatedly realized Korea's aim went beyond merely reining in the Soviets.
What Pyongyang truly sought was to flaunt how much easier a Korea-Soviet alliance was compared to US-Soviet reconciliation.
If the Republicans grasped this picture, their reaction was predictable.
"These Korea threat fools are benefiting Moscow!"
They'd launch a red-baiting crusade.
In fact, Republican leadership was already plotting red-baiting upon seeing the joint exercise.
In a situation where Korea clearly posed a threat, why spout such nonsense?
The answer was simple.
If the Republicans bipartisanly teamed up with Democrats to corner Korea, Korea could just counter with a Korea-Soviet alliance.
That scenario would shatter the Republicans' long-standing stance of containing both superpowers.
Republican hawks, after running the numbers, took the floor.
It started with McCarthy, the vanguard of the hawks.
"The Korea threat theory isn't wrong. But look at the reality. If we treat Korea as a threat, will they sit idle? We could push the threat narrative against Korea alone. But in this Cold War setup, our opponent isn't just Korea. Don't forget the red empire, the Soviet Union, on the other side."
The hawks relentlessly hammered how terrifying it was to team the Soviet Union—which could mutually destroy the world—with Korea, the world's number-two economic power.
"Korea might be unlikable or scary. But rejecting them outright turns their gaze from Washington to Moscow. We need to view national relations through rational eyes, not emotion."
Once-boiling Republican sentiment cooled like water doused on flames as the hawks raised their voices.
"Pyongyang attaching itself to Moscow?"
"The Moscow-Pyongyang alliance is definitely dangerous."
Compared to this diabolical pact, the old Berlin-Rome Axis of Nazi Germany and Italy that once threatened the world was a joke.
Korea and the Soviet Union were military powers ranking second and third after the US.
Moreover, they complemented each other perfectly.
The Soviet Union offered vast population, raw materials, and military might; Korea provided superior technology, industry, and intelligence.
If these two joined forces, even adding the First World to America wouldn't guarantee victory.
"Even those overreaching fools calling to make Korea an enemy have woken to reality."
As the Republican Korea threat theory began to waver, intelligence reported it to Pyongyang.
"Your Excellency, our bold move seems to have worked."
"Good to know it's having an effect."
First set the mood with publicity, then threaten America with the Korea-Soviet joint exercise.
The play Korea made this time risked worsening America's view in the long term.
Korea knew it but had no choice.
'Without turning the possibility of a Korea-Soviet alliance into reality, it's hard to deliver a decisive blow to the Korea threat theory.'
And this wasn't such a bad hand anyway.
America's political circles already saw Korea as a threat.
Narrowing options to suit their gaze was pointless.
Yi Seong-jun pondered the report briefly before sending a cable to Moscow.
"Tell Deputy Prime Minister Kim Jeong-gil to stay in Moscow one more week."
The longer the Korean deputy prime minister stayed in Moscow, the greater Washington's unease.
Yi Seong-jun extended Kim Jeong-gil's stay and awaited Washington's response.
Soon, a hotline connected Washington and Pyongyang.
"It's President Lyndon Johnson, Prime Minister, Your Excellency."
"President Johnson, Your Excellency. To what do I owe the call?"
Yi Seong-jun answered in an unusually calm tone.
Lyndon Johnson felt uneasy at Yi Seong-jun's composed manner.
'This old man isn't one to act so rationally.'
The president took the calm as an ominous calm before the storm.
"Prime Minister Yi. There seems to have been some misunderstanding between us."
"Misunderstanding? Come to think of it, misunderstandings crop up often between Korea and America."
Yi Seong-jun laced formality with sarcasm.
"Your Excellency. This latest misunderstanding isn't a big deal. Our government hasn't issued any commentary on the so-called Korea threat theory raised in public."
"Of course, the Korea-Soviet joint military exercise isn't a big deal either. Just a little neighborly exchange between countries sharing a border."
"Your Excellency, it's not that simple. Right now, with Korea's military exercise—"
"President, Your Excellency."
Yi Seong-jun rudely cut him off.
An outrage unfit for heads of state.
As Lyndon Johnson was momentarily speechless at the rudeness, Yi Seong-jun pressed on.
"Are you trying to interfere in Korea's internal affairs right now?"
Yi Seong-jun shot back threateningly, as if he'd never been rational.
'Senile old fool.'
Lyndon Johnson took a step back.
"Of course not. This is just minor concern as Korea's ally."
He couldn't discuss the joint exercise further after inner affairs interference was mentioned.
The president probed Korea's thoughts by changing topics, but Yi Seong-jun didn't yield easily.
"Pyongyang is no Washington lackey like Berlin or Paris. I hope Washington understands that."
"Prime Minister, Your Excellency, Berlin and Paris aren't Washington's lackeys—they're friends."
"It doesn't matter how Washington labels them. I'm just saying Pyongyang is an even more 'equal' friend."
Yi Seong-jun repeatedly demanded America 'respect' Korea.
Respect was a nice word for it—the demand was simple.
Stop the schemes to undermine Korea's position.
Otherwise, Korea would cross a dangerous bridge.
That threatening nuance laced Yi Seong-jun's words.
US President Lyndon Johnson came away from the call with Prime Minister Yi thinking he might go all the way.
'Yi Seong-jun's irrationality is the biggest problem.'
Pressuring Korea via Soviet reconciliation would be tough.
The moment America moved, Yi Seong-jun would push the Korea-Soviet alliance.
"Hold off on practical contacts with the Soviets for now."
"Yes?"
They'd put so much effort into setting the stage.
Backing down now would make the Soviets doubt America's sincerity.
"Your Excellency! You can't retreat to Korea's threat. If not now, checking Pyongyang gets harder."
The president knew that.
But the timing wasn't right.
With the US-Soviet reconciliation mood unset, Korea was lashing out.
Pushing special envoys for practical contacts here could make Korea cross an irreversible river.
The president deemed the risk too high.
"Since the situation's unfavorable, let's step back one pace. We can make opportunities later."
Retreating here didn't mean pure loss for Democrats.
This standoff made countless Americans realize Korea could be a 'threat.'
If the Lyndon Johnson administration gained anything from this offensive, it was heightening American 'awareness of Korea.'
With American eyes changed, opportunities could arise anytime.
Once unpredictable leader Yi Seong-jun was gone, ways to choke Korea weren't impossible.
The president shelved the US-Soviet reconciliation strategy temporarily, eyeing the next chance.