Chapter 253
Chapter 253
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Using the Enemy to Strike the Enemy
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No matter the circumstances, we couldn't just let a major event like the death of the U.S. President pass without notice.
I quickly assembled a condolence delegation and headed to America.
"Kennedy's death has made a Republican victory uncertain. Doesn't this mean we should also build ties with the Democrats?"
The Foreign Minister's point wasn't entirely wrong.
Enemy or ally.
From a Cold War mindset, the Democrats were enemies to be crushed without mercy, but there was no need to view the world in strict black-and-white terms.
The Democrats weren't entirely devoid of figures friendly to Korea.
'Build ties with the Democrats.'
Someone who could wield influence over the administration while also being favorable to Korea.
I pondered for a moment.
No obvious candidates came to mind.
Were the Democrats truly Korea's natural adversaries?
Then a thought struck me.
'Do we really need to create an alliance within the Democratic Party?'
Wouldn't a mere tool suffice?
If it was just a tool to exploit, plenty of options came to mind.
For a tool, all it needed to be was an opponent of Lyndon Johnson.
Any politician who could trip up Lyndon Johnson was indispensable—and one man stood out.
Lyndon Johnson's arch-nemesis, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.
The brother of the slain Kennedy.
What if we gave this man a chance to keep his political life afloat in Washington?
It would give Lyndon Johnson quite the headache.
I jotted down Robert F. Kennedy's name in my notebook.
My neatly laid plans quickly branched out.
Back home, the KCIA would bolster Robert Kennedy to siphon away as many sympathy votes from Lyndon Johnson as possible.
'The rightful heir to Kennedy's legacy is his own flesh and blood, his brother, right?'
That's the impression I planned to plant in people's minds.
Next up was George Wallace.
I intended to support the growth of the Southern Democratic faction led by George Wallace.
Why George Wallace, of all people? Because he was a staunch segregationist pushing hard for racial separation and the like.
'That way, America stays chaotic internally.'
With racial conflicts erupting at home, how could they focus on foreign affairs?
The Southern Democrats themselves held positions favorable to us.
As true heirs to Roosevelt's legacy, they advocated aggressive interventionism.
They prioritized military buildup over disarmament, aligning closely with Republican security policies.
By backing them, we'd shake up Lyndon Johnson's Democrats.
Then, we'd rattle the progressive wing pushing hard against Korea from another angle.
Not all progressive Democrats spoke with one voice.
Among them were politicians like George McGovern, who prioritized domestic reforms over checking Korea.
Proponents of basic income, anti-war peace—folks whose rhetoric could easily get them branded as communists in America.
What if we provoked them to extremes and fractured Democratic unity?
Wouldn't that weaken the ruling party's momentum?
With my plans sorted, the picture sharpened.
I handed the compiled notes to the KCIA Director.
"Take a look."
Kang Su-cheol read them over briefly, then looked stunned.
"Using Democratic figures as tools to kneecap Lyndon Johnson's power. How did you come up with this?"
"If the opponent is too strong to handle directly, using the enemy to strike the enemy is the best strategy."
I instructed the KCIA to prepare the groundwork.
The trans-Pacific flight touched down at Washington Dulles Airport.
We exchanged greetings with the high-ranking U.S. officials who had come to receive us.
Given that the leader of the world's second superpower—and our closest ally—had flown in for the funeral, Robert F. Kennedy, the patriarch of the Kennedy family and Attorney General, had come out to represent both the government and the family.
I offered Robert F. Kennedy my condolences.
"My heart aches for you. Please accept my deepest sympathies for the president's sudden passing."
"Thank you."
Once the condolence delegation had finished greetings with the U.S. officials, I suggested to Robert F. Kennedy that we ride together.
"Wouldn't that be improper for me?"
"Not at all. I have something to discuss with you on the way."
In truth, I had nothing substantial to say.
I simply wanted to show the world a foreign head of state treating Robert F. Kennedy with utmost respect.
Still, it would've been awkward to sit in silence, so I told him this:
"The president may have left us prematurely, but there is still much unfinished business on this earth, is there not?"
I didn't approve of his unfinished goals, but my words were kind.
"Yes."
"Must that legacy be entrusted to others?"
I knew full well this man harbored ambitions—if he lacked them, that would be another story.
"I haven't entertained such thoughts yet."
Not yet, anyway.
His stature wasn't there for the moment.
"If you plan to run in a future presidential election, you can't afford to let this funeral pass carelessly."
"Pardon?"
"The spotlight at the funeral should be yours. That's how the public will remember you long-term—as the successor to the fallen president."
I didn't say much.
I merely nudged the desires simmering in Robert F. Kennedy's heart.
President. Successor.
How those words must stir a man's ambitions.
We went to the White House for lunch with Lyndon Johnson, then checked into our hotel.
In the hotel suite, I swiftly analyzed the shifting tides of American public opinion.
"Kennedy's death has definitely changed the winds. Public and media focus on the Democrats has spiked."
Even evaluations of the president were shifting.
From 'failed president' to 'a president who at least tried.'
In this scenario, Lyndon Johnson looked poised for victory.
"Your Excellency, here's the funeral schedule just sent from the Kennedy family."
"Let's see."
I reviewed the Kennedy clan's funeral arrangements.
The events themselves were largely as pre-notified.
But one new addition caught my eye.
Only Kennedy family members walking beside the hearse?
'This is a gesture signaling that the Kennedy legacy has no successor but a Kennedy.'
Robert F. Kennedy did have ambitions after all.
He reacted the moment I prodded his desires.
Then let's give the Kennedys even more backing.
I attended Kennedy's funeral and delivered the eulogy.
"As this old prime minister, it pains me deeply that a younger president has gone before me. If President Kennedy had lived longer, how much more could he have done for his country? The thought fills me with regret I can't conceal."
My regret, of course, was that he hadn't paved the way for Republicans—nothing more.
"A free and peaceful world of prosperity. A nation without racial discrimination. Had President Kennedy realized his ideals, we truly would live in a new era."
Lip service, naturally.
As if this Yi Seong-jun, after 26 years in power, couldn't achieve what Kennedy might in four more.
But funerals called for kind words by tradition.
"I hope the president's brilliant ideas endure. His will, his convictions, his vision—if someone keeps them alive, Kennedy's ideals will not die. They will bloom anew on this soil. I believe the gardener who will make that happen will appear again."
As I finished, I fixed my gaze briefly on Robert F. Kennedy.
The audience's eyes naturally followed.
With that, I concluded my eulogy.
I didn't leave America immediately after the funeral.
I still had preparatory work to do.
Using my age as an excuse, I stayed in Washington and invited American politicians for talks.
In the process, I met progressive figures like George McGovern and Eugene McCarthy.
"Your Excellency inviting us came as quite a surprise."
"What grand reason does one need for people to meet?"
Before these progressive leftists, I played the role of a down-to-earth leader.
I cast aside all authority.
Seated across from them on the sofa with beers in hand, we chatted casually in a relaxed atmosphere.
"I found much to agree with in what you've said. Basic income, anti-war peace, drug eradication—these are precisely the issues a nation should prioritize."
That didn't mean I'd implement basic income in my Korea.
Pushing that in this era would invite British disease overnight.
"You hold such views, Prime Minister?"
"Anyone would entertain thoughts like that now and then."
A lie, in fact.
My real aim was to highlight one fact for them.
Even Yi Seong-jun—the 'dictator,' still leading a nominal democracy—showed 'progressive' leanings. So what was Hubert Humphrey, the Senate leader of the Democratic progressives?
Why was he dismissing the progressive left's voices as worthless?
To plant that question, I acted and spoke in ways they'd love.
I spent a full hour and a half conversing with the progressive leftist politicians.
"Did you really need to devote that much time to those guys?"
"Absolutely."
If it could soften the storm heading Korea's way even slightly, what was an hour and a half?
I'd talk for two days if needed.
"I hope it yields results."
"We can only hope."
I had my entourage pack up.
My business in Washington was done.
What remained was the KCIA's job.