Chapter 24
Chapter 24
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: The Morning of the Revolution(?) (2)
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Marshal Park Han-jin sat in the interrogation room wearing nothing over his uniform.
A young military police officer from the Army Criminal Investigation Division plopped down in front of him and slid a statement across the table.
Even though this was rude behavior toward someone of colonel rank—the head of the Criminal Investigation Division—the officer kept a calm face.
“Sign here on the statement, and we can wrap this up easy.”
“What the hell kind of joke is this? Get it out of here right now.”
“This guy's not getting it. Hey!”
The military police officer bellowed, and interrogators filed in.
“This one's not listening to words. Beat him.”
The interrogators immediately started kicking the marshal with their booted feet.
Park Han-jin couldn't even breathe as the boot heels slammed into him.
After being pummeled on the floor for a while, the military police officer's voice rang out.
“Changed your mind yet?”
Park Han-jin spoke through his swollen lips.
“You bastards. I'm the Marshal of the Korean Empire Army. You think I'd throw away my honor just because I've suffered humiliation at your hands?”
The military police officer snickered.
“You still think you're the Army Minister and Marshal? We already stripped your rank insignia, so forget the honor and worry about your own hide. Hey, lay into him more.”
Park Han-jin was beaten senseless again with the boots.
He vowed that if he could just escape this spot, he'd make these guys pay dearly, but the repeated violence wore down even the marshal's iron will.
Unfortunately for Park Han-jin, humans weren't made of steel.
The more you hammered them, the weaker they got—sad creatures that they were.
While Marshal Park Han-jin endured this brutal “interrogation,” the generals at the Army Ministry faced questioning too.
Army Staff Chief Park Sung-ryeol, unlike Park Han-jin, didn't put up a stiff resistance.
“I'll submit my retirement papers like you want. That do it?”
“That's the kind of cooperation we like. Stamp it there and head home.”
The coup forces had meticulously sorted those who absolutely needed punishment from those they could just humiliate a bit and release.
The criterion was faction.
Those in Park Han-jin's faction—the Army Chief of Staff, Capital Defense Commander, Security Commander, Guard Division Commander, Provost Marshal, 3rd Army Commander, and so on—were stripped of their uniforms on the spot and transferred to the Army Stockade.
The rest—high-ranking officers, deputy chiefs of staff, staff chiefs, Operations Bureau chiefs, etc., who could be released after some face-saving measures—were allowed to go home after signing retirement papers.
Of course, some were allowed to stay in their positions.
These were the generals who had switched to Lee Sung-jun's side at the last minute.
They had merits from leaking information discreetly, so they couldn't be purged outright.
Such people were sent to nominal posts in the military.
Places like the Army Policy Research Office where Sung-jun had sat, the border guards stationed in Manchuria, the Japanese Army (Korean troops stationed in Japan), the Army Comprehensive School principal, and so on—positions perfect for stripping ranks later when the time came.
With the first round of purges complete, the coup forces carried out promotions and rewards.
Mass promotions occurred in the core coup unit, the Guard Unit, and the 16th and 17th Reserve Divisions.
Guard Unit personnel staff officer Colonel Kim Sung-ju was promoted one rank to brigadier general and appointed Security Commander.
It was a post normally for a major general, but it didn't matter.
The Security Command, key to protecting the regime, had to be firmly in coup hands.
Appearances didn't matter.
Guard Unit operations staff officer Colonel Baek Dong-seok was also promoted to brigadier general and made Capital Defense Commander.
The Capital Defense Command was the core of capital defense.
Handing such a unit to outsiders was out of the question.
16th Reserve Division chief of staff Colonel Gil Tae-hwan was promoted to brigadier general and placed in the 1st Guard Division command—a slot normally for a lieutenant general.
This position too was essential for controlling the key combat forces in downtown Pyongyang.
17th Reserve Division operations staff officer Colonel Lee Jung-yoon was promoted to brigadier general and assigned as Guard Unit deputy commander—a role for a lieutenant general.
In addition, colonels in the plotters' group were elevated to brigadier generals and put in command of key regime-protection combat units like the 16th and 17th Reserve Divisions, 12th and 33rd Infantry Divisions, and others.
And the coup leader himself, Sung-jun—the most important figure—promoted himself to major general and took the Army Chief of Staff post.
It was a forced promotion to a forced appointment, but it didn't matter.
The coup forces knew that only by wielding power so brazenly would their enemies fear them.
With rewards distributed, the coup leadership decided to fill the remaining vacancies with suitably placated figures.
And so,
They dragged in retired General No Sung-guk—who had competed with Park Han-jin and then retired to idle away his days—and put him in the Army Minister seat to hold the pants.
Other reserve generals were called up for posts like Army Operations Bureau chief and deputy chief of staff.
Of course, these filled positions meant nothing.
With Sung-jun holding military command and administrative authority in one hand, able to move core units with a word, they were just seat fillers.
The generals in the provinces, watching from afar, felt troubled.
“A wet-behind-the-ears punk dares to swallow the regime?”
“We can't just let that bastard be.”
“But how?”
The generals felt displeasure at Sung-jun's seizure of power but couldn't bring themselves to act.
Launching a “punitive expedition” against Sung-jun, who had all field units around the capital in his grip, offered no chance of victory.
Even if they did, the justification was shaky.
Hadn't the Prime Minister and Emperor already endorsed the coup?
The generals suppressed their discontent as best they could.
A young upstart lacking experience had seized power—eventually, he'd show a gap.
Even the seasoned Park Han-jin had shown one; why wouldn't Lee Sung-jun?
For now, the generals decided to send word of their submission to Lee Sung-jun.
Having shown submission, Sung-jun would surely stop at saving face.
So they thought.
But they misjudged one crucial fact.
The Sung-jun they dismissed as a greenhorn wasn't soft enough to leave potential threats alone.
*
“Chief. The German ambassador requests an audience.”
“Got it.”
I told Major Kim Jung-gil—whom I'd promoted to my chief secretary (the Chief of Staff's chief secretary is normally a colonel)—to grant the meeting.
I didn't like the Nazis, but in the current situation, Hitler was our only ally.
Even without that, since we were entrusting Berlin with mediating the Han-Chinese War, we couldn't completely snub the Germans.
That aside, these guys moved faster than expected.
The coup personnel announcements hadn't even come out yet, but they'd pinpointed me as the new head and come calling.
Sitting in my office pretending to write something while waiting, German Ambassador Herbert von Dirksen appeared.
His look was a bit peculiar.
Bald as a cue ball with glasses, exuding that drab Nazi vibe—he looked like some debt collector from a back alley.
I pushed aside the strong first impression of Dirksen and greeted the ambassador cordially.
“I'm the new Army Chief of Staff, Lee Sung-jun. Your Excellency wished to see me?”
“Yes. Aren't you the top power in this country right now, General? We can't proceed without meeting you first. Are you aware that peace talks between Han and China are underway through our mediation in Berlin?”
Ah, so Park Han-jin had requested peace talks?
It was unexpected.
Who would've thought that blockhead military bigwig knew about negotiations.
My internal grade for Park Han-jin ticked up a notch.
From F to maybe a D.
“I wasn't aware.”
“Then allow me to explain the situation.”
Dirksen squeezed out what little eloquence he had, explaining how well the talks were going.
I listened quietly.
On reflection, I had no intention of rejecting everything just because it was my predecessor's doing.
Just, some parts needed fixing.
I added a condition.
“Let's tweak the terms. Leaving North China as a mere demilitarized zone won't secure our security.”
“What do you mean, Your Excellency?”
“We need control of the North China railways. We'll concede other interests and demands.”
I decided to copy the precedent of the “South Manchuria Railway Company” that Japan had used to manage Manchuria.
It was a tough demand for China to swallow, but I had no choice.
The war had already broken out; blood had been spilled.
If I unilaterally threw in the towel here and shouted “let's make peace,” what would happen to me?
“The traitor bastard ruined the war,” the Empire's citizens would rage.
As I've said before, this militaristic Korea isn't a normal country.
Its people's mindset is as belligerent as imperial Japan's.
To convince the public, I needed to bring home some plausible spoils of war.
That was how I'd protect my position.
There were political reasons, and economic ones too.
To push domestic reforms, I needed money, but disarmament was off the table.
Squeezing the country dry was impossible; it was already a bankrupt mess that could barely keep the economy running.
In such conditions, there was only one way to raise funds.
“Stick a straw in an easy neighbor.”
In fact, the Korean Empire already had a big straw jabbed into neighboring Japan.
Not a colony, but close—a “protectorate” sucking up its economic strength for all it was worth.
But even that wasn't enough to save Korea.
So, China had to be sucked too.
“General. That railway...”
“I know. Chiang won't accept easily.”
Then we'd fight a bit more.
When I'd opened my mouth before, I'd made it sound like the great powers would intervene any second, but that wouldn't happen.
“Unless we occupy something like Hainan Island to indirectly threaten their colonies—but we're not at that stage yet.”
Looking back, everything I'd said was brazen lies.
“General. Please reconsider. We need terms Chairman Chiang can accept.”
“Let's take some time to think it over.”
I decided to suspend talks until China accepted the new terms.
Anyway, with the government and military in chaos, we weren't in a state for proper negotiations with China.
The “revolution” needed to settle first.
“Time to get a handle on what Park Han-jin stirred up too.”
Something else blowing up that I didn't know about would be a headache.
Dirksen had barely left—less than five minutes—when Kim Jung-gil said,
“Chief. The American, British, and French ambassadors have arrived.”
Damn. The great powers' intelligence is nothing to scoff at.
This is who I'd have to deal with from now on.
I straightened my uniform.
Now, it was time for me, Korea's leader, to debut on the international stage.