Chapter 235
Chapter 235
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Dangerous Shift
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The West and Korea were making noise about labor reforms and such, but the Soviet economic bureaucrats had no time for that.
Their immediate priority was responding to Korea's economic surge.
"If things continue like this, our federation will tumble from its position as the world's third-largest economy. What do you think that would do to our prestige?"
The Party took the issue seriously as well.
"It's not just about rankings. If our federation slips, our allies might start doubting our strength."
The problem was military spending.
Without addressing the endless security budget drain, competing with Korea was impossible.
Khrushchev gathered his inner circle to discuss options.
"Convincing Washington to join us in disarmament is a lost cause. At this point, there's only one way."
"You mean purge the military?"
"What other choice do we have?"
The General Secretary pondered his aides' advice.
What made Khrushchev hesitate on the brink of decision was the lack of justification for pushing disarmament.
"With the American imperialists ramping up arms to target our federation, how can we talk about disarmament? It doesn't make sense."
This wasn't just the military's line.
Plenty of Party and government bureaucrats nodded along to the army's logic that competition was necessary for security.
Khrushchev had to consider these "conservatives" too.
Disarmament meant defying the entire military and conservative bloc.
"One misstep, and we'd be risking a coup."
That was why Khrushchev, as a power holder, wavered on committing.
"Comrade General Secretary, time is not on our side. Next year, Korea will overtake us. We need to pivot to disarmament before then to stand a chance against them."
With KGB Chairman Alexander Shelepin's counsel, Khrushchev steeled his resolve.
"If we proceed with the purge, how far do we go?"
"We have to hit the Ministry of Defense hard."
Targeting the ministry meant ousting Defense Minister Marshal Zhukov.
Zhukov was Khrushchev's regime's greatest asset and had long served as a check on the expanding military.
But past friendships meant nothing in the face of power.
"Of course we take out Zhukov. And then?"
The KGB presented their prepped purge list.
Khrushchev nodded at each name.
"How do we carry out the purge?"
"We'd assign overseas junkets to the minister and key figures, then strip their posts the moment they leave the country. That neutralizes them without force."
"That keeps the noise down?"
"That's our assessment."
Khrushchev agreed.
"Then handle it through the KGB."
A week later, Zhukov received orders to inspect Warsaw Pact forces.
"About time for a trip anyway."
Zhukov departed for Warsaw without suspicion.
The purge began immediately.
"Comrade Zhukov compelled the federation to massive military spending for imperialist adventures. We hold the Marshal accountable for his misguided judgment and relieve him of duty."
Zhukov wasn't the only one sacked.
Dozens of top generals received sudden dismissal orders.
Soviet Forces Germany Commander-in-Chief Marshal Ivan Konev was also relieved.
It took just three hours to neutralize the hawks.
As the furious Zhukov landed at Moscow airport, waiting KGB agents greeted him.
"Marshal, you need to come with us."
"You worthless dogs, daring to lay hands on me?"
"Escort him."
The KGB took Zhukov straight home and placed him under house arrest.
Khrushchev followed up by appointing Rodion Malinovsky as Defense Minister.
"Your job now is disarmament."
Malinovsky balked at the General Secretary's firm directive.
"But slashing the military overnight leaves us unable to face Western threats."
"The Western threat isn't the issue right now! Our federation isn't under attack from Western tanks or planes—it's the military's spending that's killing us!"
Malinovsky bowed his head to Khrushchev's rage.
"If that's your will, Comrade General Secretary, I obey."
With the Soviet military leashed overnight, the Party and government's conservatives fell silent.
Khrushchev pressed his advantage, purging a few conservative officials.
"Anyone who so much as opens their mouth about disarmament from now on will end up like this."
Khrushchev savored his surprise purge's success but didn't relax.
Considering the resentment brewing in the military and conservatives, he couldn't afford a moment's complacency.
From here on, he needed results from disarmament savings.
Only then could he win the people's support and silence his enemies for good.
Khrushchev's first step: scaling back the massive forces in Central Europe.
"The General Secretary's lost his mind."
Conservatives and the military couldn't hide their fury at Khrushchev's unilateral cuts.
But Khrushchev held the reins for now.
"Surveillance on key military figures?"
"Ongoing, of course."
"Keep eyes on them indefinitely."
Word of Khrushchev's disarmament spread to Korea and America via intelligence channels.
The U.S. government showed no reaction.
The White House wanted to pivot to disarmament yesterday, but without public confirmation of the intel, they couldn't broach the topic.
U.S. officials projected at least a year before shifting to disarmament.
Korea didn't react so mildly.
Pyongyang's response was swift.
"Disarmament? Is that for real?"
"Intel confirms it."
"Not good for us."
Lee Seong-jun immediately wired Moscow to test the waters.
"We've heard top generals including Marshal Zhukov have been sacked en masse. Has there been political upheaval in Moscow?"
"Nothing major. Just accountability for errors and some reassignments."
Of course, both Pyongyang and Moscow knew it was more than that.
The Korean government read Khrushchev's intent to downplay the fallout in the nonchalant reply.
"Khrushchev must be more rattled than he lets on."
His situation might not be as rosy as it appeared.
"Given the size of the Soviet military and conservatives, you'd think so."
A justification-lacking purge.
A massive discontented silent bloc.
Conditions for Khrushchev's downfall were falling into place.
"If a few more pieces align, Moscow could flip."
Of course, Lee Seong-jun had no plans to push for Khrushchev's ouster.
Acting now risked the successor not being Brezhnev, sending the Soviets in an unpredictable direction.
"Can we make contacts in the Soviet military?"
"Yes."
The Agency for National Security had networks inside the USSR.
Not top-tier intel fetches, but enough to reach out to contacts at key moments.
"I want eyes on Soviet military sentiment."
"We'll start with GRU, their military intelligence."
Contrary to stereotypes, the USSR brimmed with corrupt communist nobles.
They'd sell out their country for cash.
In an era where GRU officers spied for Western money, it was no surprise.
Lee Seong-jun soon got detailed intel on military moods.
"Resentment's bubbling right under the surface."
They grumbled about the one-sided cuts but were decapitated, unable to erupt.
Still, things could shift anytime.
Ambitious players could ignite it, and the military could move.
"Khrushchev rushed this."
If committing to disarmament, he should've built ironclad justification first.
Coordinate with America, publicize the burden through debate, convince people—show real reasons.
Regrettably, he hadn't.
The motive was obvious.
"As communism's motherland, prestige must've weighed heavy."
Admitting strain against America? How laughable to the satellites?
He got why Khrushchev chose pride over candor—great powers prized image.
But the USSR needed to face its own rot first.
Realize internal decay before fretting prestige.
"With the board like this, he won't last long."
Lee Seong-jun figured Khrushchev's regime was doomed.
The USSR's nature sealed it.
Nominally, the Party led the military in a communist state, but the army always wielded decisive power.
Losing their backing was like losing a pillar of rule.
Khrushchev thought he'd tamed them via appointments, but he was wrong.
Parachuted leaders couldn't sway the whole apparatus.
Even if they could, why pledge loyalty?
One flip at the critical moment guaranteed rewards.
Take Malinovsky, Khrushchev's trustie—he'd turned guns on his own in Ukraine.
From the guard-coup moment, Khrushchev's rule was on borrowed time.
"No need for major talks with Khrushchev ahead."
Détente or whatever.
What point in dealing with a soon-departing leader?
Korea coldly reassessed its stance on Khrushchev.
A stark contrast to America's view of disarmament as a détente opening.