Chapter 231
Chapter 231
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Translator: crow
Chapter 231
Chapter Title: Legislative War
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The rise of Korean capitalism posed a major challenge to American capitalism, which had dominated the world.
Korean companies were overwhelming American firms in the commodity markets and pressuring them in promising future industries.
Electronics, chemicals, food, pharmaceuticals, machinery, automobiles, steel—all the fields where Korea posed a threat were industries America saw as its future bread and butter.
America's business community felt threatened by this situation.
However, opinions were divided among companies on how exactly to respond.
"The most dangerous is semiconductors. We have to block them first to stop Korea's rise."
"Block that, and you're telling us all to die?"
"Then how about sanctioning Korean chemical products?"
"Sanction that, and what do we make semiconductors with right now?"
"We have to sanction machinery at least."
"Korean machine tools are so cheap— you're saying sanction those? Do that, and we'll sell you our stuff at half price?"
Companies only pushed for sanctions where it suited their own interests.
With everyone out of sync like this, calls for sanctions on Korean goods weren't that strong.
The only consensus was on a few light industrial consumer goods with minimal impact, but even that had big problems.
"Knock that out, and prices are gonna skyrocket, right?"
As a result, American companies couldn't properly counter the onslaught from Korean firms.
"We're so frustrated, we'll take the lead ourselves."
In this atmosphere, Henry Ford II of Ford Motor Company stepped up to the plate.
Ford, battered by the modern automobile assault, at least wanted tariff barriers in the auto sector.
Once Ford took the initiative, Chrysler and GM expressed their willingness to join.
"Let's pool our strength and build a wall against Korean companies."
The Big Three automakers, suffering from Korea's threat, united to lobby Congress.
The total lobbying spend exceeded twenty million dollars.
It was an enormous sum that snapped lawmakers to attention.
"You're asking for tariff barriers on automobiles?"
"That's right."
"We'll discuss it."
The U.S. Congress began debating auto-related tariff legislation.
This movement immediately caught the attention of the KCIA.
"There's talk like this, so keep Korea informed."
Korea was getting quite a bit of intel on U.S. policymaking through its lobbyists.
"Understood for now."
Now that Korea knew what was going on, it couldn't just sit idle.
"Start lobbying on our side too."
They used Korea's name, but the funding came from the KCIA budget.
Korea lobbied U.S. lawmakers under the banner of free trade principles.
Along the way, they subtly dropped hints like this:
"If tariff barriers go up, Korea will have no choice but to move to recoup its lost market. That could lead to crossing COCOM restrictions."
"Crossing COCOM limits? What do you mean?"
"Selling radios and TVs loaded with semiconductors."
"That's absolutely not allowed."
"Then how is Korea supposed to make up for shrinking exports? We're willing to lower our tariffs, so just block any talk of raising yours."
Korea's lobbyists brought up high-tech exports to the Soviets as a veiled threat.
"Isn't this outright blackmail?"
"It's cocky, but the Koreans aren't wrong. They're openly talking sanctions on exports—can they just take it lying down?"
From a Cold War logic perspective, trade profits weren't that important.
Far more critical were security and national survival.
Blocking the latest semiconductors from reaching the Soviets was vastly more in the national interest.
Republican hawks bought into the Korean lobbyists' logic.
"Korea says it'll adjust tariffs for fair trade, so let's drop this tariff barrier nonsense."
"What are you talking about? This is about American jobs!"
"Jobs matter, sure. But sanction Korean cars and that's it? You think Korea will just sit still?"
Of course not.
If Korea ignored COCOM restrictions, America would face serious threats.
The latest machine tools and semiconductors could dramatically boost Soviet military power.
That was exactly why Kennedy had tried to create a post-Cold War framework before checking Korea.
Reconcile with the Soviets first, then corner and contain Korea more effectively.
The problem was Kennedy's vision hadn't come to pass.
Unfortunately, Cold War logic still ruled reality.
Enemy or ally.
In a world dominated by cold binary thinking, calls to check Korea wouldn't fly easily.
"You're saying check our ally Korea and push it to the Soviets' side? Are you commies?"
The Republicans swung the red-baiting club like a flail, silencing the opposition.
This was how Korea preemptively blocked legislation against itself.
Of course, Korea didn't get away scot-free.
It had to show some goodwill to persuade the Republicans.
It lowered tariffs and increased imports of American goods.
But blocking unfavorable legislation at this cost was still a huge win.
Henry Ford II took the lobbying war defeat very seriously.
"We can't beat the Koreans with straight lobbying. Let's look for a breakthrough elsewhere."
"Got something in mind?"
"How about urging the United Auto Workers to act?"
Put the strongest U.S. union, the UAW, out front to pressure politicians.
The Big Three would take a hit, but in this situation, there was no choice.
Soon after, the United Auto Workers took action.
"We demand the government protect our jobs, our market from foreign corporate attacks!"
The UAW event, backed by over a million members, created massive waves.
Politicians were shocked.
"Checking Korea means the Koreans will..."
"Can't you hear the workers shouting?"
The UAW's move, with over a million strong, drew in countless other unions.
Steelworkers, led by U.S. Steel, showed solidarity with the UAW.
"American companies must be protected in the American market. Look what comes from all this ally protection and world police talk. Our economy, once the world's best, is being overtaken by Korea. Protect us first before saving the world!"
The unions' cries were enough to pierce Congress's thick walls.
The stalled auto legislation suddenly hit the floor.
Korea couldn't help but panic.
"Didn't you say legislation was thoroughly blocked?"
"It was in politics. But they mobilized unions to pressure politicians."
"The United Auto Workers?"
"Not just them. The steelworkers too."
Hearing that major U.S. unions were moving sobered Yi Seong-jun to the gravity of the situation.
"Then it makes sense."
Yi Seong-jun thought for a moment.
If they mobilized unions, why not counter in kind?
To top the UAW in sheer size, there were the Teamsters.
"Contact Jimmy Hoffa of the Teamsters and have him denounce the UAW strike. He's corrupt enough that a little incentive will make him speak up for us gladly."
Jimmy Hoffa was rotten to the core, dealing even with the mafia, and would take any dirty deal for profit.
The KCIA immediately reached out to Teamsters president Jimmy Hoffa.
They offered five million dollars if the Teamsters would speak out on this issue.
"Ten million."
Jimmy Hoffa jacked up the price once he sniffed the value.
"We don't have to go with you."
"But no speaker will be as effective as me."
After some back-and-forth, the KCIA settled on seven million for Hoffa.
"The UAW strike is truly deplorable. While they chase their own interests, us Teamsters truckers suffer without cars to drive. Korean cars, European cars—who cares? What matters is getting vehicles we can use right now."
Hoffa's intervention flipped the situation again.
The Teamsters had long preferred relatively cheap Korean cars over pricey American ones.
"He's right. Korean or European, we want cars we can drive now. Strike? Go ahead. We'll buy Korean."
The UAW's momentum crumbled instantly.
"Is Jimmy Hoffa crazy? Where'd he sell his working-class solidarity?"
Everyone gnashed their teeth at Hoffa, but he couldn't care less.
Hoffa grinned, fondling the thick stack of cash.
This made even the Republicans recalculate.
'With Jimmy Hoffa on the other side of the scale, it's a wash anyway.'
The bill before Congress went back into indefinite limbo.
At this point, the Big Three had to admit defeat.
"We can't win in this setup. Let's wait for the picture to change."
With auto tariffs failing at the legislative stage, other companies lost heart too.
"If even autos with that much job impact fail, what chance do the rest have?"
U.S. companies decided to hunker down until the post-Cold War picture clarified.
But sooner or later, harsh winters give way to warm spring days.
When that day came, they wouldn't let the Koreans off easy.
America's business community retreated from the battlefield, biding time for the next chance.