Chapter 211
Chapter 211
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Liberal Reforms
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Abolishing censorship was merely the first step toward relinquishing power.
But its implications were far from minor.
‘I’m giving up control over the press.’
By letting go of press control—one of the pillars upholding my power—I intended to set a precedent that my successors wouldn’t dare touch.
“Your Excellency, releasing the press this early could burden future governance.”
“What matters to me isn’t governing efficiency—it’s the precedent.”
I planned to use my remaining term forging shackles to bind my successors’ arms and legs.
‘That way, even if some idiot tries something foolish, I can put the brakes on it.’
Fundamentally, I didn’t trust my successor.
Not even one I’d handpicked myself.
Who could guarantee the face they showed me now would match the one after I stepped down?
With that principle in mind, I pushed through the abolition of censorship.
‘Nothing’s changed yet.’
A week after lifting censorship, there was remarkably little difference.
In truth, that was to be expected.
Press owners and journalists alike were still watching my every move, practicing self-censorship.
This trend would likely hold for about a year.
But in time, things would shift.
They wouldn’t want to tiptoe around forever.
In any case, the ripple effects of abolishing censorship were significant.
Foreign correspondents from the West came seeking interviews.
“Your Excellency, liberals are praising you for voluntarily surrendering a power you didn’t have to give up. What are your thoughts on that?”
“I’m grateful for their high regard. As a politician, it does make my shoulders swell a bit with pride.”
I responded to the flattery with polite platitudes.
“Some still call Your Excellency a dictator. What do you say to that?”
“Strictly speaking, I started as a dictator. There’s no difference from former Brazilian President Getúlio Vargas on that score. I have no intention of denying it.”
President Getúlio Vargas had ruled dictatorially in his first term but democratically in his second.
I referenced Vargas because his trajectory felt similar to mine.
“Many are watching with interest whether the Korea you lead will become a true liberal democracy. Do you intend to join the ranks of the true First World?”
“Of course—I’ve always hoped for that. Korea and the free world are already inseparable.”
My words were amiable.
But Korea as a genuine First World nation?
I wouldn’t want that position even if they handed it over.
Korea’s size and position had grown too large to play America’s lapdog.
Better to strut as the boss of the Third World than grovel as America’s poodle.
“There’s talk that abolishing censorship might lead to travel liberalization. Are you considering it?”
“I believe it will happen in due time.”
“Thank you for the lengthy interview.”
“My pleasure.”
The interview ended on a friendly note.
Through this episode, I sensed that the West was more aware of Korea than I’d thought.
Not just at the state level, but among the public too.
‘Considering Korea’s the world’s third superpower, it’s only natural.’
If anything, the lack of attention until now had been abnormal.
My interview made headlines across the West.
“Prime Minister Yi Seong-jun’s dream of liberalization. If Korea pursues liberal democracy, two of the world’s top three powers will be liberal states.”
Western media buzzed as if abolishing censorship marked a victory for the West.
‘Come to think of it, they haven’t had much to cheer about.’
Racial strife, World War III threats, Sputnik shock—everything had been grim.
So no wonder they latched onto this hopeful(?) story.
‘But it’s just a fever dream.’
Korea chasing liberalism didn’t mean it joined the First World.
Not in the slightest.
Nations choose sides based on interests, not ideology.
Korea’s national interests clearly lay in the gray zone between the First and Second Worlds.
The White House and Kremlin knew that better than anyone.
“Still, this will greatly benefit Korea’s national interests.”
“In terms of diplomacy? That could be.”
Even if Korea maintained strategic ambiguity, its interests were fundamentally tied to Western markets.
Given that, growing favorable views from the West were undoubtedly a good thing.
“Have the Grand Council exchange with the democratic parties while we’re at it.”
“Understood.”
I decided to ride this unexpected wave.
*
If Western liberals were thrilled by Korea’s changes, Germany couldn’t hide its dismay.
“If Korea goes liberal, who are we supposed to model ourselves after?”
The Junker class found Korea’s shift frustrating.
Until now, Korea had justified their ‘militarism, fascism’ and helped them appeal to the public.
But now, Korea was unmistakably tilting toward Western liberalism.
“Korea can’t be our role model anymore.”
“Then who should we follow?”
“Is there even such a country?”
America?
The cradle of liberalism.
The Soviet Union?
Their sworn enemy.
Korea was out.
Crippled Britain as a model?
Hardly.
The Restoration Society plunged into an identity crisis.
But soon, they found their answer.
“The true ideal for the German people lies in the German Empire.”
If no answers in the present, return to a glorious past.
The Junkers dusted off their Weimar-era playbook.
“What? The Prussian-German Empire?”
“What’s wrong with that? The German Empire was the most glorious moment in our nation’s history!”
The Junkers proclaimed that the German Empire—with its world No. 2-3 economic might—was the true model for Germans.
“Didn’t the Nazis emerge from the empire’s ruins?”
Objections arose, naturally.
“That was a deviation after the empire fell! Don’t tarnish our German Empire with those filthy Nazis.”
Opposition parties like the Christian Democrats frothed at the mouth.
“Reviving the ghost of Prussia-Germany means starting another world war! Insane—drop it!”
But the Junkers ignored them.
The Restoration Society already held power and boasted massive popular support.
“Germany, greatest Germany!”
They brazenly sang the banned German anthem.
“Uh, the Germans seem a bit unhinged—should we just let it slide?”
While neighbors like the Netherlands and Belgium voiced concerns over Germany’s rightward turn, Britain and America signaled it was ‘fine.’
“They’re already rehabilitating ex-Nazis anyway. The ghost of the German Empire is tolerable. They know starting a war with us means nukes.”
The West eyed Germany’s changes warily but opted to watch and wait.
In contrast, Britain was deliriously high on the moment.
“Liberalism was right. Proof? Korea, which led the pseudo-fascist trend! Korea’s liberal turn proves our ideology was correct!”
The Liberals, rivals to Labour, seized this slogan and surged in the polls.
“What nonsense. Abolishing routine censorship in a free country and calling it liberal reform?”
Labour fumed, but the Liberals kept gaining steam.
Britons craving national pride drowned in the Liberals’ ‘even Korea’s hooked on liberal highs.’
“The British Empire runs on liberalism. Anglo-Saxon spirit is freedom.”
As Liberal voices grew, talk emerged in Britain.
“Labour’s nationalizing companies, splashing cash on welfare—what’s this? Time for a rethink.”
“We’ve got debts to America, can’t keep spending like that.”
Britain’s debts were already mountainous from colonial wars.
“Uh, cutting welfare’s a bit much, no?”
“Then pay more taxes?”
The Liberals argued Britain must become a land of unlimited competition like America to rise again.
‘Korea seems headed that way too.’
With two of the big three powers (minus the reds) maximizing freedom, the Liberal line couldn’t be wrong.
“We declare: Neoliberalism! A new era of unlimited freedom for business!”
Shed the decrepit old Britain; reclaim the competitive No. 4 great power, the British Empire.
As the Liberals shouted, Labour’s ‘cradle to grave’ policies began to wobble.
“Neoliberalism? What bullshit. Don’t they remember laissez-faire led to the Great Depression?”
“Whatever—saving the Empire means firing up the growth engine.”
With such rallying cries, the Liberals marched Britain toward neoliberalism.
These shifts in the two nations soon rippled across the world.
The unintended butterfly effect from Korea had begun.