Chapter 202
Chapter 202
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Cuban Crisis (4)
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In June 1957, as tensions between the two sides escalated, the United States abruptly drew its sword.
In fact, even up to the last moment inside Washington, there had been strong opposition to the attack.
Goldwater couldn't completely silence those voices either.
But once intelligence arrived confirming that the Soviets were preparing missile bases in Cuba, the opposition vanished without a trace.
Before the grand cause of America's national security, any opposing arguments were bound to lose their power.
“Commence Operation Brutus.”
With that single order from Goldwater, the CIA launched its prepared invasion force toward Cuba.
At the same time, the U.S. military launched its covert operation.
In the early dawn, U.S. A-26 attackers sliced through the dark sky and struck Pigman.
“Wipe them all out!”
The Cuban military positions built around Pigman were reduced to rubble in an instant.
But the U.S. air strikes prepared for this operation were far more than just “this much.”
The United States deployed B-47 strategic bombers to hit every military, communications, and administrative facility in Cuba.
“This is justified retribution against those who overthrew Cuba’s free regime by force and infringed on American assets!”
That was how the United States explained the bombing to the international community.
Infringe on some assets, and they bomb an entire country to pieces?
It was absurd, but aside from the reds, no one dared say a word against it.
When the world’s supreme superpower declares it so, who’s going to argue?
The Cuban invasion force landed triumphantly at Pigman, which had been swept clean by the U.S. Air Force.
Not a single bullet flew even as they brazenly ran their boats up to the shore.
“This is almost too easy.”
José Alfredo Pérez San Román, the commander of the invasion force—the Free Cuba Liberation Army—thought Havana could be taken without much trouble.
After resting for a day at the beachhead, the Free Cuba Liberation Army reorganized and began marching toward Havana.
The Cuban forces, forced to counter this, had lost all their communications facilities and were regressing to Napoleonic-era warfare, relying on couriers instead of telegraphs and phones.
Because the Cubans had to prepare their defense using these outdated methods, they were always one beat behind in reporting the enemy’s movements and responding.
“Your Excellency. The enemy has begun advancing inland. Their daily progress is estimated at 20 km.”
“Delay them as much as possible. Start the delaying action from Nueva Paz.”
Even so, their war preparations were decent enough that they weren’t pushed back without a fight.
They had sufficient troops to deploy in combat, even if their training was lacking, and their defense plans were solid.
Castro attempted to buy time to gather his defensive forces by deploying irregular guerrilla units as blocking detachments along the road to Havana.
On June 18, 1957, as Castro desperately rallied his troops, the Free Cuba Liberation Army arrived on the outskirts of Havana.
For the fledgling Republic of Cuba, it was the worst crisis yet, not even a year after its founding.
“Comrades, the American imperialists and the reactionaries trying to turn back the wheel of history will kneel before justice. Do not doubt our victory—stand firm and fight.”
Castro emphasized that this war was a holy crusade against the American imperialists, boosting the soldiers’ morale.
“Victory belongs to the Free Cuba Liberation Army! Win this, and President Batista will grant you everything you desire. Money, women, honor! Don’t miss this golden opportunity to achieve your dreams!”
In response, the Free Cuba Liberation Army motivated its mercenaries by talking up their rewards.
With both sides spiritually armed, neither yielded an inch on the front lines.
Havana’s southern sector was turned into complete ruins by brutal street fighting, blood washing away blood.
At first, the Free Cuba Liberation Army—blinded by Batista’s rewards—held the advantage.
Superior firepower pushed the Cuban forces back to the doorstep of downtown Havana.
That’s when Cuba’s young revolutionaries stepped up to the front lines to rally the troops.
“If we kneel today, the Yankees come back. Are we going to hand over our farms and homes to them again?”
They couldn’t.
The Cubans, armed with the desperate weapon of having nowhere left to retreat, fought on tenaciously from their last stands.
As the battle dragged on for three days, four days, the Liberation Army’s early advantage began to dilute.
The Liberation Army couldn’t replenish its forces, while Cuba kept pouring in reinforcements.
“This won’t do. We’re... we’re getting pushed back.”
Outnumbered, the Free Cuba Liberation Army couldn’t endure the attrition and started giving ground bit by bit.
‘It’s no good.’
San Román, commander of the Free Cuba Liberation Army, instinctively knew the Havana assault was doomed.
“Report the situation to Washington.”
Washington panicked at news that the tide was turning against them.
“How bad is it, exactly?”
“The entire expeditionary force could be annihilated.”
The hawkish military brass quickly whispered in the president’s ear.
“Your Excellency, now is the time to pull out the emergency option.”
The military strongly advocated committing ground troops.
They had already invaded Cuba.
Backing down now would damage prestige and leave Cuba as a powerful enemy state—logic dictated they finish the job.
Goldwater had no intention of withdrawing from Cuba either.
This war had to serve as a lesson to the two-bit revolutionaries of Central and South America.
America couldn’t afford to show failure.
“Prepare to commit ground troops.”
Goldwater issued the order to prepare ground forces, just as the military demanded.
From the moment Cuba decided to host Soviet missiles, half-measures were unacceptable.
“Launch Operation Northwoods.”
The CIA immediately staged a false-flag incident at Guantanamo Bay that could serve as pretext for intervention.
Since the CIA and military had the scenario ready, execution was instantaneous.
As unidentified Cubans staged a shootout targeting American civilians at Guantanamo, even Castro—holding the upper hand—panicked.
“This is a Yankee ploy to justify intervening in the war!”
The Cuban government sent messages to the international community claiming it was an American false flag.
The Soviet Union and several other nations voiced agreement, but Washington pretended not to hear.
“We have a duty to protect American civilians in Cuba. This is not war—it’s a policing operation to safeguard our civilians in Cuba.”
To crush Cuba, Goldwater ordered 40,000 Marines into action.
The world was stunned as America resorted to real force.
With Washington acting so recklessly, how would the Soviets respond?
Would they stand by and watch Cuba get trampled?
All eyes turned to Moscow.
*
‘America committing ground troops to Cuba? This is getting messy.’
I pondered the implications of this war.
With America coming out so aggressively, the Soviets wouldn’t stay idle.
Khrushchev was sure to take some action.
In just half a day, Moscow announced its stance on the Cuban issue.
“The Union cannot stand by and watch America’s aggression against the sovereign state of Cuba. We will use all means necessary to help our Cuban comrades defend their sovereignty.”
As expected, the Soviet Union declared intervention in the Cuban matter.
The era of direct superpower confrontation had begun.
The Soviets weren’t bluffing.
By dispatching their fleet into the North Atlantic, they signaled firm intent to get involved.
America responded in kind.
“America’s problems are for American nations to solve. This is none of Moscow’s business.”
The two sides snarled at each other nonstop in the UN General Assembly and Security Council, hurling accusations.
As the Soviet fleet crossed halfway through the North Atlantic, America issued an ultimatum.
“If you cross 72 degrees west longitude, we’ll take it as a declaration of total war.”
It was tantamount to threatening nuclear war.
I figured the Soviets couldn’t ignore America’s threat.
Without ICBMs, a real nuclear war now would spell doom for them.
America could strike the Soviet homeland with strategic bombers and IRBMs from Europe, but the Soviets had no way to hit the U.S. mainland.
Fight a nuclear war with America under these conditions?
They could devastate Europe, but dealing real damage to America would be tough.
I sent a telegram to Moscow suggesting they back down on this one.
“America sees nothing in its way right now. Provoke them, and if nuclear war breaks out, the price Moscow pays will be too high. The General Secretary must withdraw now.”
I sent several telegrams to Khrushchev, but got no agreement.
He didn’t seem inclined to back down easily.
But regardless of Khrushchev’s stubbornness, Cuba collapsed first.
On July 10, 1957, as the Soviet Navy approached the 72nd meridian, Havana fell to the Marine assault.
With the Cuba they were supposed to help gone, advancing the fleet no longer had meaning.
“Please help mediate from Korea.”
In the end, the Soviets swallowed their pride at the last moment and withdrew the fleet.
Instead, they demanded the handover of Castro and key Cuban revolutionary officials for their safety.
It seemed like a minimal face-saving move—not abandoning their comrades—but it was clear the Soviets had lost this round.
‘Khrushchev’s going to take a solid political hit.’
On the flip side, Goldwater had bulldozed through and cleanly resolved the Cuban issue, fair and square or not.
This taste of victory might make America even more aggressive.
‘At least we dodged nuclear war.’
I decided to be satisfied with that.
But the relief didn’t last long.
“Your Excellency, war has broken out in the Middle East.”
As the Cuban Crisis subsided, Israel—the Middle East troublemaker—sparked a new one.
“This is insane.”
After Cuba, now the Middle East crisis.
I felt my blood run cold.