Chapter 200
Chapter 200
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Translator: crow
Chapter 200
Chapter Title: Cuban Crisis (2)
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“Secretary Comrade, the Batista regime has fallen.”
Moscow was just as stunned by the Cuban Revolution.
It hit them like a bolt from the blue in the dead of night.
“What? A revolution succeeded right under America’s nose?”
This was an opportunity.
The Soviet military immediately pushed to turn Cuba into a dagger at America’s throat.
“Why not make Cuba our forward base and threaten Washington with it? Didn’t the Americans try the same thing in Turkey?”
“That would provoke Washington more than necessary.”
Khrushchev hesitated to reach for Cuba.
“Secretary Comrade, to achieve mutual assured destruction, we must have nuclear missile bases in Cuba.”
“What guarantee is there that America will just sit back and watch?”
As everyone debated whether to build bases in Cuba or not, the foreign minister chimed in.
“I hate to disappoint you all, but Cuba isn’t a socialist country.”
The Politburo members were all taken aback by Foreign Minister Dmitri Shepilov’s words.
Not a socialist country?
Zhukov asked in bewilderment.
“Isn’t a revolution against America a socialist revolution?”
“You’re mistaken, Comrade. For a country dreaming of independence, there are alternatives to socialism, aren’t there?”
“W-Wait, you don’t mean...?”
“Korean-style democracy, it seems.”
Khrushchev regained his composure.
“But KGB intel says it’s a socialist revolutionary force, doesn’t it? The Americans seem to think so too.”
“That’s just because the Batista regime branded all its opponents as socialists, so they got labeled that way.”
So what the hell was the Cuban regime, then?
They seemed anti-American, but not socialists.
A pseudo-Korean position, maybe?
But Korea got along well with America too.
No matter how you looked at it, Cuba had nowhere to turn but the Soviets.
Khrushchev decided to test the Cubans’ intentions.
“Contact them through the Foreign Ministry. We need to know what they’re thinking first.”
When Moscow approached, Castro drew a line at outright allying with the Soviets.
“If we go down the path of cooperating with the Soviets, America won’t sit idly by.”
“Chairman Comrade, then what should we do?”
“Until America’s stance becomes clear, let’s proceed with caution.”
Having declared a neutral line toward Washington as well, consistency here was key.
The Cuban government signaled to Moscow that they wanted a third way, like Korea.
But they left some room underneath.
“However, if the U.S. imperialists threaten our independence, then we’ll ask Moscow for help.”
“Very well, do that.”
The Soviets were satisfied with the opening for cooperation.
Whether Cuba was truly communist or not wasn’t a big deal anyway.
In bloc politics, being on our side mattered more than ideology.
Of course, the Soviets didn’t see Cuba as a real alliance candidate.
Why overthink it when they weren’t even socialist brothers?
‘Cuba’s just a bargaining chip to get the U.S. military bases out of Turkey.’
That was the extent of Cuba’s value to the Soviets.
*
We were just as rattled by the Cuban Revolution.
We’d warned them to stop it, and yet Batista still fell—my mind went blank.
This meant unavoidable conflict.
I racked my brain again for a way to manage the situation.
The best option was to make the Soviets cut Cuba loose.
But would the Soviets, obsessed with mutual assured destruction, do that?
Fat chance.
As I discussed countermeasures with my staff, a report came in from the Foreign Ministry.
“Your Excellency, Cuba’s new regime has declared it’s pursuing Korean-style democracy.”
What? What did you say?
Those guys were supposed to become a socialist state.
I was so thrown off that I lost my words for a moment.
“Your Excellency, if Cuba claims democracy, they might be able to compromise with America.”
Better to make contact than do nothing.
“Try reaching out to the Cuban government.”
While waiting on Cuba’s response, the new U.S. President Goldwater was inaugurated.
In his inaugural address, Goldwater made it clear he cared about the Cuba issue.
“I do not believe that illegal seizures of power benefit the people’s freedom or long-term stability. If we tolerate such precedents, we’ll be powerless when the second or third one happens. We must act decisively before things get complicated.”
It was a blatant threat.
Goldwater looked like he genuinely meant to attack Cuba.
Or maybe that was for the best?
If they smashed Cuba quick and clean before the Soviets could decide on nukes there, no nuclear crisis.
‘That might actually be the better play.’
Better than dragging it out and letting it escalate.
I shifted to watching the Cuba problem from the sidelines.
“Your Excellency, the Cuban government has responded to our outreach. They’re hoping Pyongyang will mediate between them and Washington.”
What nonsense.
America had already staked out its position.
Bringing it up would just embarrass us.
I turned down Cuba’s request.
Instead, I had one message relayed.
“Tell them not to provoke America if they can help it.”
Better to take a clean hit from America than have the whole country turned to ash.
A guy like Goldwater wouldn’t think twice about nuking Cuba.
Contact with Cuba ended there as a one-off.
I kept a close eye on Goldwater’s moves, senses on high alert for when America would act.
But before the Cuba crisis heated up, a new problem arose.
“Your Excellency, there are signs of conflict brewing in the Middle East.”
“Who? Who wants war?”
“Israel.”
What? It hadn’t even been a few years since the Suez War?
Shocking, but not entirely unexpected.
With hardcore hawk President Goldwater now in the White House.
Israel had someone to back them up if they started a war—naturally, their asses were itching for a fight.
‘Now that I think about it, they’re in a hurry for war too.’
Arab states forming a federation and modernizing rapidly was pressuring Israel on its own.
If time dragged on, Israel would be boxed into inevitable defeat.
No surprise they—a nation that believed in preemptive war—were drawing their swords.
“For now, ramp up imports and max out our strategic oil reserves.”
I ordered expansion of storage to secure a billion barrels of reserves.
If things went south, a Middle East war could spark an oil shock—we needed to brace for it.
Cuba, now the Middle East.
With Goldwater in power, the whole world felt like a powder keg.
‘No helping it.’
With tensions this high, we couldn’t keep enjoying peace dividends.
Time for Daehan to boost its defenses.
“Prepare a supplemental budget to raise defense spending to 3% of GNP.”
I decided to massively upgrade our military power.
Nuclear subs, ICBMs, SLBMs, hydrogen bombs, satellites.
Getting all that at once meant unprecedented military investment.
“Your Excellency, a sudden surge in spending will strain the national budget.”
“I have a plan.”
I prepared a national address.
In times like these, nothing beat selling some patriotism.
“Respected citizens of Daehan, this is Prime Minister Lee Seong-jun. The global situation grows more precarious and unstable by the day. For Daehan to survive this, there is only one way: a strong security posture.”
I’d always mixed lies into my speeches routinely, but this was from the heart.
“That requires money. Money to build nukes and missiles. But Daehan must also grow its economy and care for your welfare. It’s incredibly hard to cut anywhere to fund defense.”
Truth was, there were places to trim the budget.
Just dial back a bit on economic growth and trade spending.
But I couldn’t kill the growth engine chasing America.
Without catching up, Daehan couldn’t stand as an independent power.
That much I wouldn’t give up.
“As your leader, I’m ashamed to say this, but I need your help. For the nation, for Daehan’s future, please buy our war bonds. The strength to defend Daehan comes from your patriotism.”
I mobilized young celebrities for a nationwide tour selling security bonds.
Even young models from adult mags got roped in.
“Buy a bond and get a hug from us~”
With all that commotion, we managed to move the bonds.
‘Haven’t had to hustle like this in a while.’
I sincerely hoped Goldwater’s era would end after these four years.