Chapter 194
Chapter 194
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Hungarian Revolution (2)
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Hungarian Prime Minister Imre Nagy was born in 1896 in the small town of Kaposvár in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
During his youth, Hungary was a proud great power, one of the pillars of the dual monarchy.
But Imre Nagy did not view his homeland's position favorably.
'A system that tramples on the sovereignty and independence of other nations cannot be just in itself. I'd rather embrace a humane decline than glory bought with the tears and blood of others.'
That was why Imre Nagy became deeply immersed in the grand cause of communism, which championed the freedom of all peoples.
His enlistment in the Red Army after the Russian Revolution stemmed from the same motivation.
When Hungary was communized afterward, he returned home and held high positions such as minister and parliamentary spokesman.
But during this time, Imre Nagy's mind was filled with questions about whether a Stalinist state was truly a communist nation.
'It claims communism on the surface, but isn't the Soviet Union just another red imperialist power practicing imperialism in reality?'
While harboring doubts about Stalinism, Imre Nagy turned his attention to Korea, which was emerging as the world's third great power.
The fact that a non-communist country was rising so rapidly came as a considerable surprise to him.
'Even Nanjing has adopted Korean-style democracy and achieved such growth. No other system can match Korean-style democracy when it comes to development.'
Korean-style democracy, as Korea proclaimed it.
It didn't seem like the perfect answer, but at least it appeared fully qualified as an alternative to Stalinism.
It would also score bonus points in long-term exchanges with the West.
Imre Nagy solidified this conviction while devouring the works of Yi Seong-jun.
'For Hungary to rise again, it must pursue Korean-style democracy.'
Once he ascended to the premiership with Soviet backing, Imre Nagy immediately rolled out his vision.
Korea had abolished even 'Yushin,' which strengthened his confidence in Korean-style democracy more than before.
"Building a multi-party democratic state through the abolition of the proletariat dictatorship, state-led economic development, guaranteeing freedom of assembly and association through the abolition of secret police, and ensuring freedom of the press."
Imre Nagy unleashed policies that were sure to provoke outrage in Moscow.
As a result, he was ousted under pressure from Moscow, but Imre Nagy was convinced.
The people, having tasted Korean-style democracy once, would not want to return to communist rule.
As expected, the Hungarian people rose up in revolt in less than a month.
As soon as Imre Nagy returned to power, he pushed forward with aggressive reform policies.
Soviet opposition meant nothing to him.
'If Comrade Khrushchev truly desires reform, he will recognize mine. If not, and he tries to crush us...'
Then they had miscalculated.
The people's will for freedom was not something that could be bent so easily.
The Soviet army confronted the Imre Nagy regime for a time.
But the standoff did not last long.
"Arrest Imre Nagy."
At Khrushchev's order, the Soviet forces launched the overthrow of the Imre Nagy regime.
"Wipe them out."
As the Soviet army advanced on the government building, they did not hesitate to use their firearms.
The demonstrators tried to hold out stubbornly, but they were helpless against the Soviet military might.
"Stop, stop shooting! You butcher bastards!"
In response to the ruthless violent suppression, some Hungarian soldiers who had been observing joined the rebels.
"These Hungarians dare stand against us? The Magyar scum have lost their minds."
Budapest turned into a chaotic street battle in an instant, with both sides entangled.
Hundreds died, and blood soaked the city streets.
As the situation spiraled to its worst, even Imre Nagy grew furious.
"We will withdraw from the Warsaw Pact!"
The Soviets responded to this declaration with tank cannon fire.
As the Soviet forces approached the government building, aides urged Imre Nagy to flee.
"Your Excellency, the Yugoslav embassy says they will grant you asylum."
Being human, Imre Nagy briefly considered escaping to the Yugoslav embassy as his aides suggested.
But he could not show himself fleeing from the Soviets here.
"The people are watching me. Where would I even go?"
He could not abandon the supporters shedding blood to protect him.
Finally, the Soviet army reached the government building.
To maintain the dignity befitting a Hungarian prime minister, Imre Nagy comported himself with composure.
If this was to be his end, it was the right way.
The Soviet troops, thoroughly enraged, showed him no courtesy whatsoever.
"Drag him out."
The Soviet forces arrested Imre Nagy and deported him to Romania.
This regime change was a kind of object lesson.
A warning not to spout nonsense about Korean-style democracy or whatever and undermine communist rule.
Eastern Europeans, witnessing the Soviets' merciless suppression, were reminded of the red empire's brutality from the Stalin era.
"Come to think of it, the Ivans pulled the same stunt in East Germany."
"What's the difference with Khrushchev? He was just one of Stalin's lackeys in the end."
Even if Khrushchev preached de-Stalinization and de-authoritarianism, the Soviet shadow would never lift from Eastern Europe.
Khrushchev was merely a representative of Soviet imperialism.
The people etched that fact deep into their bones.
The Hungarian Revolution thus came to a close, leaving behind a heavy lesson.
*
Stalin's demotion was something that would happen eventually as Khrushchev consolidated his power.
The Hungarian Revolution could be seen as inevitable in that context.
The problem was the timing.
While the US and USSR were clashing in Indochina, they brutally crushed the Hungarian Revolution.
This drew fierce condemnation from the Western world, led by Britain and America.
"These commie bastards point fingers at others for imperialism and interfering in internal affairs, but they roll in with tanks and flatten people outright."
"The commies' logic has never made sense, but their recent antics leave me speechless."
"What's with all the interest in our affairs? We'd love to take an interest in Northern Ireland too."
Such verbal sparring only worsened emotions.
Before long, threats of war and blackmail resurfaced.
"Firing shells into Italy. That's a violation of the ceasefire agreement!"
"Who cares. Explain your shelling of our positions first."
Both sides growled at each other, engaging in a war of nerves over whether to deploy nuclear warheads in Italy or not.
The old Turkish issue reared its head again too.
Because of one Hungary, the Cold War was boiling more fiercely than ever.
Amid this, in West Germany, the Junker faction overwhelmingly surpassed the Christian Democrats in support.
"You all saw it, right? Soviet commies trample sovereignty whenever they feel like it. If we skimp on armaments like those weak Christian Democrats, we'll be done for in an instant."
"So what do you propose?"
"We need to spend at least 5% of GNP."
The Hungarian shock triggered explosive increases in military spending across Western nations.
West Germany saw the biggest hike, but the others were no slouches either.
Even France, considered relatively safe, fretted over the 'Northern Italy' threat and allocated 3.8% of GNP to defense.
When the West ramped up armaments, the Soviets did not sit idle.
Military spending, which had slowed amid détente, surged explosively once more.
"None of them are acting normal."
The more our competitors poured into unproductive armaments, the more room we had to advance, so it wasn't bad for us.
But the overheated atmosphere was the problem.
Even as we watched with concern, the rifts of conflict only deepened.
What if these madmen collided head-on? That was the worry, but the irony was that neither wanted a clash.
Khrushchev sent signals multiple times asking for mediation if things escalated to conflict.
Then don't start the friction in the first place.
Imre Nagy, the key figure of the Hungarian Revolution that had ignited both sides, was executed in mid-August.
While notifying me of this, the Soviets made it clear they had no regrets about the federation's 'Korean-style democracy.'
'No, we had nothing to do with Imre Nagy.'
Korean-style democracy wasn't some revolutionary export we were pushing.
It had simply spread on its own and gained vitality.
That bizarre mishmash wasn't an ideology or even a philosophy—it survived purely because Korea was succeeding spectacularly.
Anyway, the aftermath of the Hungarian Revolution settled like that.
The escalating war crisis began to subside gradually.
Or so I thought, briefly.
"Your Excellency. In Indochina, a US military advisor was kidnapped, tortured, and killed."
What?
Had North Vietnam gone mad?
No, probably not.
The North Vietnamese government knew better than to touch Americans recklessly.
This was likely uncontrolled action by field operatives.
But America wouldn't see it that way.
'America's the type to cross borders and smash crime syndicates if even one of their narcs gets tortured and killed.'
Moreover, the slain American was a field-grade officer.
It wouldn't be brushed under the rug easily.
"Keep an eye on it for now."
It looked like America was about to jump directly into Indochina.
America bleeding in Indochina wasn't bad in itself, but the problem was what came next.
If this escalated to full-scale war and the Cuba crisis erupted on top of it?
That was exactly the point I was worried about.