Chapter 188
Chapter 188
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Cuban Revolution (1)
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The Indochina War was raging in 1954 when the Korean Empire abolished its monarchy and became the Republic of Korea.
Lee Sung-jun placed a president in the emperor's former seat and sat a suitable figure there in comfortable trousers.
On the surface, it had transformed into a full-fledged parliamentary cabinet system.
Nations around the world reacted with mixed feelings to this astonishing change.
"Yeah, in Korean-style democracy, the monarchy was just an annoying relic. Good move."
Dictators seized on Korea's reforms as justification to eradicate any lingering monarchies in their own countries.
Spain's dictator Franco, too, used a national referendum to completely erase the royal name he had left vacant.
'A complete democracy, yet led by a strong leader. Honestly, wrapping it as Korean-style democracy might suit Cuba's realities better than a full socialist revolution.'
If they sparked a socialist revolution right under America's nose, Washington wouldn't sit idly by.
The U.S. extended its claws all the way to distant Vietnam at the mere mention of socialism.
Fidel Castro spent his prison time devouring Lee Sung-jun's writings.
His conclusion? His initial instincts had been right.
Castro mulled over Lee Sung-jun's words.
"Developing an underdeveloped nation requires strong authority to back it up. You need a supralegal force that transcends comprehension to suppress entrenched interests like landlords and nobles and push reforms with real power. Outsiders call it developmental dictatorship, but it's merely a phase in national modernization."
Castro fully agreed with Lee Sung-jun.
'Even Comrade Stalin raised his nation through developmental dictatorship. As Prime Minister Lee said, whether it's a white cat or a black cat, it's the one that catches mice that counts.'
The system best suited to achieving developmental dictatorship.
Castro believed it was Korea's Yushin.
Implement Yushin as a transitional system, then pave the way to socialism.
That was Castro's thinking.
Castro served his sentence quietly.
His original term was set to end in 1955, but the Fulgencio Batista regime had also been influenced by Korean-style democracy to some degree.
'Blindly crushing the people isn't the way, huh. Maybe just deporting them abroad is the answer.'
Cuba's dictator Batista, taking a page from Lee Sung-jun's playbook of shipping troublesome rebels to China, exiled Castro to Mexico.
And so Castro was released to Mexico earlier than expected.
Mexico at the time hosted a diverse array of revolutionaries—democrats and progressives, including Spanish Republicans driven out by Franco.
Castro met with them and shared his vision for the Cuban Revolution.
This, too, he had learned from Lee Sung-jun.
'Ideas aren't kept locked in one's heart. You have to talk them out, spread them into everyone's minds to gain strength.'
Before long, Castro became quite famous among Mexico's revolutionaries.
It was due to his unique worldview, which he proclaimed loudly.
"Politics follows Korea, economics follows the Soviet Union."
It sounded plausible at first glance, but whether the two could coexist was anyone's guess.
Once Castro gained some fame, Korea's military attaché in Mexico sent a report on him to Pyongyang.
Pyongyang responded with important instructions.
"Provide funds to Castro through undetectable channels."
Why fund this talkative revolutionary named Castro?
The attaché had his doubts, but he sent the money via international mail as ordered.
Castro cleared his throat at the sight of the incoming funds.
"No way—how did such a huge sum...?"
"Several million dollars, at least?"
The mysterious benefactor sent large sums not once, but multiple times.
Castro had no idea who was behind it.
He figured it was some philanthropist interested in the revolution.
Emboldened by the massive funds, Castro resolved himself.
'I'll definitely succeed in the revolution and live up to those expectations.'
Castro set up a camp in Mexico and began recruiting comrades for the revolution.
Right then, Ernesto "Che" Guevara—who had fled Guatemala after a right-wing military coup—joined the camp.
"With a comrade like you, I feel as if I've gained a million-strong army."
Castro highly valued Guevara for his revolutionary experience, even if it had ended in failure.
The revolutionaries trained their bodies rigorously under the guidance of Alberto Bayo, a veteran of the Spanish Civil War.
Thanks to the mystery benefactor solving their funding issues, preparations progressed faster than anticipated.
But their numbers remained tiny.
Taking on the Cuban army head-on was out of the question.
Castro decided to overcome this obstacle with a certain strategy.
"Comrade Tito of Yugoslavia stuck to guerrilla warfare against the Nazis. He avoided fights when at a disadvantage and struck only when the odds favored him. If we play the long game and see the bigger picture, what's to stop us?"
"Guerrilla warfare."
It was indeed the best way to confront Batista's military dictatorship.
Truth be told, the Batista regime lacked popular support.
By striking at their weaknesses, roaming the countryside, and building strength, victory was possible.
"When do you plan to launch?"
"Next year."
Castro had no intention of dragging his feet.
Prolonged preparation wouldn't let them beat the regular army.
Better to infiltrate swiftly while small and strike first.
"It won't be an easy fight."
"I've steeled myself."
Castro looked at his comrades with a resolute expression.
He couldn't say how many would survive, but one thing he could promise.
He wouldn't let their blood spill in vain in Cuba.
Castro clapped his comrades on the shoulders.
*
"Castro's in Mexico? Is it already time for the Cuban Revolution?"
Chronologically, it didn't quite fit.
Where had things gone off track?
I was a bit confused.
In my memory, the Cuban Revolution succeeded in January 1959. Castro had started his activities in 1956.
Right now was when Castro should still be in prison in Cuba.
If he moved this fast, would the Cuban Missile Crisis come earlier too?
Of course, things could go wrong, and the revolution might collapse midway.
If Castro and his crew got shot during guerrilla ops, that'd be the end.
I ran the numbers.
Was it right to let Castro's group proceed with the revolution now?
'A quiet Cuba would be good for getting past the nuclear crisis.'
But the Republic of Korea needed that crisis.
A steady supply of such tensions made it hard for the U.S. and Soviets to turn their eyes away from us.
Still, inciting war felt a bit much.
'Timing-wise, better to leave it alone. They'll handle it.'
I decided to let Castro be.
For a moment, at least.
"Your Excellency, COCOM has demanded we exclude transistor-equipped products from exports to the Soviet Union."
Weren't those guys supposed to have halted activities with all the post-Cold War talk?
"Our transistors are domestically developed. What's the basis for Western interference?"
While we'd borrowed some American tech for our transistors, a good portion was our own development.
"America hates the idea of the Soviets benefiting from Western technology, period."
We're not the West, I wanted to say.
Only half-Western.
Seeing them act this way, the West still seemed to have plenty of leeway.
"No room for negotiation?"
"Not at present."
Damn, headache.
Radios and TVs to the Soviets weren't our biggest market, but it was still growing.
Ditching it left a bitter taste.
Defy COCOM, though, and Western exports would hit roadblocks galore.
The West versus the Soviets.
Weighing them, the answer was clear.
Security with the Soviets, economy with the West.
For economic issues, side with the West.
Fine, meet their demand.
But you'll pay a price too.
I did a complete 180 on letting Castro slide.
"You there."
"Yes, Your Excellency."
"Send covert funds to Castro without getting caught."
I decided to light a fire under America's chin.
Who gave them permission to yank our beard without asking?
The most beautiful sight was Cuba pointing a sharpened bamboo spear at America's throat.
If the revolution failed?
Well, then it failed.
On a national scale, the covert funds earmarked for Castro weren't a huge sum anyway.
'Might as well fan more flames in Central and South America?'
There were a few more powder kegs like Cuba down there.
With focused investment, I could create plenty of headaches for the U.S.
'Nah, probably not.'
For now, I'd stick to Cuba.
One Cuba alone would drive America mad anyway.