Chapter 182
Chapter 182
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Post-Cold War(?) (1)
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With Beria, the core of the Malenkov regime, collapsing, Moscow began revising some of its more extreme policies.
The most prominent was the policy of reconciling with the West and abandoning East Germany for German unification.
Stalin had floated similar proposals to the West a few times, but that was only possible because it was Stalin.
It wasn't something an upstart like Beria could casually bring up.
'That's why the military couldn't stand it and staged a coup.'
Even to me, it sounded insane.
It was no different from shoving their face in front of an itchy-handed military and begging to be slapped.
Still, the conciliatory tone itself didn't change.
Khrushchev, the real power holder, was also in favor of rebuilding the federation's economy through reconciliation with the West, so the post-Cold War atmosphere persisted.
It wasn't exactly to my liking.
If the US and Soviet Union reconciled, it would shrink the room for us, caught in between, to maneuver.
But I didn't think this trend would last long.
'Capitalism and communism—those two camps won't stay buddy-buddy forever.'
If that were possible, even dogs and monkeys, natural enemies, could be friends.
In any case, a rather headache-inducing trend had formed in the short term.
That said, we weren't the type to cower at the whims of the US or Soviets.
'I need to make the first move before they do.'
I decided to visit our security ally, the Soviet Union, first.
Officially, it was to meet Communist Party Secretary General Malenkov, but in reality, it was to see the man in charge, Khrushchev.
"Your Excellency, welcome to Moscow."
"Thank you for the warm reception."
I exchanged greetings with Malenkov, who had come to meet me at the airport.
Malenkov had a fairly dignified look, but knowing he'd soon be ousted from power made me think it wasn't a face fit for a leader.
"Secretary General Comrade, the two nations of Korea and the Soviet Union have cooperated well so far, haven't we?"
"Just as you say, Prime Minister. I hope we achieve good results from today's talks."
On the first day, we discussed economic cooperation between Korea and the Soviet Union with Malenkov.
We agreed to a form of barter trade: we'd provide machinery and manufactured goods, and they'd supply resources and technology.
Of course, this was just reconfirming what our staff had already settled on.
Once the formal talks ended, the real game began.
On the second day, Communist Party First Secretary Khrushchev appeared in Malenkov's place.
Since our statuses didn't quite match, the second day's meeting proceeded as an informal schedule.
"First Secretary Comrade, it's a pleasure to speak with you like this."
"I'm not sure how to thank you for making time for us, Prime Minister."
Khrushchev took a surprisingly low posture.
I didn't know why, but it was clear he saw me as a tough customer.
Me? Was this Lee Seong-jun really that intimidating?
To lighten the mood, I started with geopolitics, something we could both discuss comfortably.
"The Republic of Korea believes our future depends on US-Soviet relations. With that in mind, First Secretary, let me ask you one thing: how do you foresee US-Soviet relations going forward?"
"I think it'll go well. We want reform and opening, and America won't oppose it, so reconciliation will soon become the global trend."
Khrushchev made clear his intention to push ahead with reform and opening.
As expected of someone in the lineage of reformist party secretaries.
But there was no guarantee his wishes would come true.
The famous Cuban Missile Crisis had happened on his watch, after all.
This world harbored even sharper points of conflict.
The Soviet troops stationed in Turkey, the military demarcation line in Italy, French Indochina split north-south, and Cuba still lingering as a wildcard.
The peace dreamed of by the red communist empire seemed as distant as ever.
"I hope things work out. I, too, want to live in a peaceful world."
Surface talk is always like that.
My true feelings leaned toward hoping for US-Soviet confrontation.
With the mood relaxed, Khrushchev and I shared a smoke.
"Not bad, Prime Minister."
"It's a Havana cigar—it had better be. But don't get too attached. These things are pricey."
Smoking helped ease things further.
Seizing the moment, I offered Khrushchev some advice.
"By any chance, First Secretary, do you have an interest in agriculture?"
"Plenty. But how did you know?"
"The people's livelihood hinges on farming, so I figured you'd be keen on it."
"You've read my mind."
Khrushchev went on at length about agriculture.
He did seem genuinely passionate about it.
Time to drop a hint.
"The reason farmers fail at farming is usually because they do things they absolutely shouldn't. The federation would do well to avoid its own no-gos."
"Things we shouldn't do."
"For starters, I'd advise against corn farming."
I pointed out the corn fiasco that would spectacularly derail him.
"I'd like to hear why."
"Corn depletes soil nutrients massively, but the federation lacks the chemical fertilizers to back it up. Once you start planting it, yields will plummet from soil exhaustion before long."
"I'll look into it."
"You'd also be wise to take what Professor Lysenko says with a grain of salt. He'll claim vernalization makes seeds more resilient to temperature changes, but if that worked, we'd be doing it too."
I offered various pointers to avert the agricultural failures that would contribute to Khrushchev's downfall.
There was, of course, good reason for advising him like this.
'If Khrushchev holds steady, the Soviets can dodge that gray era, right?'
The Soviet Union needed to keep growing steadily.
Until we could chase America from under its shadow.
Of course, that assumed he'd take my advice.
If not?
Then I'd just work with the next guy in line, Brezhnev.
Through my talks with Khrushchev, I confirmed his reformist, open tendencies.
'Everything's fine, except that personality.'
I'd sensed it in conversation, but unlike Stalin, Khrushchev had a bold streak.
Which might sound fine, but in the Cold War, where adventurism could spark nuclear war, it was a major risk factor.
The meetings stretched to the third day.
By the end, we were on very friendly terms.
"Prime Minister, next time we meet, I'll receive you as head of state with full honors, so look forward to it."
"I will, Nikita Secretary Comrade."
Like communist leaders do, we exchanged light cheek kisses and wrapped up.
Judging by Nikita Khrushchev's attitude, the Soviets seemed set to stick with a friendly stance toward Korea.
Good thing I'd laid the groundwork early.
'Wonder how America will go.'
Normally, Eisenhower, Supreme Commander of the European theater, would have run for president.
But this time was different.
Eisenhower had refused to run in 1952 and stayed on as Italian theater commander.
That let Democrat Governor Adlai Ewing Stevenson beat Republican Robert A. Taft for the presidency.
I knew Eisenhower, but Stevenson was unfamiliar, so I approached him cautiously.
Crossing the Atlantic, I pored over Stevenson's files multiple times.
"Workers of the world, unite... all you eggheads (baldies)?"
In the McCarthy era, dropping that line showed he had a sense of humor.
Upon arriving in America, Vice President John Sparkman greeted me.
Intel pegged him as a segregationist racist.
But his attitude toward me wasn't bad at all.
In his eyes, I must've ranked as an honorary white.
After about an hour of chit-chat with Sparkman, I had lunch with President Stevenson.
At lunch, Stevenson voiced some mild displeasure.
"Prime Minister, I thought abolishing Yusin would bring us in Washington closer. Yet you visited the Soviets first."
Normally, we could give the Soviets the cold shoulder, but protocol like this reassures Moscow we're still quasi-allies.
I had no choice.
"It was just geography—nearest neighbor first. Washington next time."
Stevenson hadn't been too serious anyway, and the topic shifted quickly.
With the Soviets, it was economic ties and farming; with America, different.
"Market liberalization?"
"Yes. We'd like to sell more goods in your market."
Aren't we already doing that?
When I pushed back, Stevenson cited figures.
"I'm saying your tariffs are too high."
Too high?
15% seemed low enough for the era.
Major countries didn't drop below 10% until after the Kennedy Round.
"Considering the trade imbalance between our nations, it'd be desirable for Korea to lower its tariff rates further."
"I'll consider it."
Just consider.
Why would I slash tariffs on a whim?
Stevenson wouldn't expect me to anyway.
This was just America signaling discontent with Korea's trade surplus—nothing more, nothing less.
Talks with America stayed stiff throughout.
The reconciliation buzz with the communist bloc had made their attitude a tad rigid, which irked me.
But considering America's nature, it was par for the course.
'They've fully embraced being the world's top superpower now.'
They weren't outright high-handed with us, but they made clear they saw themselves a cut above.
Annoying, but I'd have to endure for now.
'Just wait till the reconciliation mood fizzles.'
Then the tables would turn.