Chapter 177
Chapter 177
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Payback (2)
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In 1945, Iran was swept up in a wave of nationalism after being liberated from British and Soviet domination.
“Persia can no longer groan under the feet of the great powers.”
The stern middle-aged politician and parliamentarian Mohammad Mosaddegh believed that Iran needed a clear example to rise anew.
Of course, that example couldn’t be Korea.
Korean-style democracy?
Wasn’t that just a pseudo-dictatorship that denied constitutional revolution?
Mosaddegh had looked to America for a model for Iran to follow, but he changed his mind after seeing McCarthy rampaging like a madman.
Even Britain, France, and Germany—which had all been ruled by fascists—had their own problems as role models.
After much wavering, Mosaddegh decided to tweak the thriving Korean-style democratic system and apply it to Iran.
He had already been inspired by the neighboring Arab states adopting “Korean-style democracy” to pursue modernization.
“Substance over form. Truly wise words.”
Mosaddegh advocated for Iran’s own democracy, “Iranian-style democracy.”
On the surface, it preserved elements of constitutional democracy while excluding the dark flavors of military dictatorship or Yusin as much as possible—a milder version of Korean-style democracy, in its own way.
Mosaddegh’s reform plan was welcomed by numerous intellectuals who had been pondering the nation’s path to development.
“Yeah. Economic growth comes first, no matter what. The country needs money circulating before we can improve lives or do anything else.”
With this backing, Mosaddegh founded the National Front of Iran and, by 1949, had taken the helm of Iran’s largest political faction.
When the Italian War broke out in 1950, Mosaddegh seized on the “war crisis” to make a powerful appeal to the public.
“If we have no strength, the nation will be trampled and its people will suffer—as we experienced just a few years ago. To avoid reliving that painful memory, we must change. We can blame foreign powers for the first blow, but if it happens twice, it’s our own fault.”
Mosaddegh called for sweeping reforms to ensure the nation’s survival.
Public opinion, traumatized by the Italian War, immediately rallied behind him.
Finally, parliament—mindful of the public mood—named Mosaddegh prime minister.
It was a year earlier than in the original timeline.
Mosaddegh pushed through oil nationalization policy the moment he took power.
“We will confiscate the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and nationalize its assets.”
It was tantamount to a direct challenge to the British Empire.
In response to Mosaddegh’s provocation, Britain’s Attlee government hit back with economic sanctions.
Of course, that was just the surface response—the real countermeasure hadn’t even begun.
The Anglo-Americans were debating whether to overthrow the Mosaddegh regime, which had embraced resource nationalization against their interests.
“Mosaddegh—that bastard. Can we just let him be?”
“Even so, it’s not the right time to act. The Italian War takes priority for now.”
The West hesitated on dealing with Mosaddegh.
The Soviets spotted that opening.
“Having pushed oil nationalization, Your Excellency the Prime Minister is now an enemy of the West. Why not join our side this time? If you become a friend of Moscow, Washington and London won’t dare treat Tehran lightly.”
Even Mosaddegh saw the logic in it.
“Iran will pursue cooperation with the Soviet Union.”
The Anglo-Americans were furious at Mosaddegh’s declaration.
“What? That bastard’s a straight-up commie! No wonder he kept spouting red-tinted policies.”
The West didn’t stand by idly at Mosaddegh’s leftward lurch.
“Let’s drag that commie bastard out right now. If we leave him be, the Middle East will turn red.”
It was a violation of sovereignty, but few nations could stop the world’s superpowers from doing as they pleased.
The Anglo-Americans approached the crippled Pahlavi Shah in exile and began preparing a palace coup against Mosaddegh.
*
I notified the Anglo-Americans that I wouldn’t intervene whether they toppled the Mosaddegh regime or not.
Exactly one month later, they launched a coup in Iran.
“Fazlollah Zahedi? Never heard of him.”
“He’s an Iranian senator. A retired general from 1950 who’s a real power broker in the Iranian military.”
A Yu Sa-muban type, huh.
“But with intel leaking like this, doesn’t it mean the coup failed?”
“Looks that way.”
We judged the Iranian coup a failure.
Seeing these green amateurs botch a coup so badly was almost laughable.
With information control that poor, how could they even attempt a coup?
It seemed like Coup Instructor Lee Seong-jun’s lessons were needed.
But I was wrong.
I’d concluded the coup had failed, but Iran wasn’t a place where common sense applied.
Four days later, Zahedi launched a second coup.
“Crazy. Does this even make sense?”
Two coups spaced four days apart?
It sounded absurd, but apparently, there were countries where it worked.
“The coup forces seem to have seized Tehran. Looks like Mosaddegh’s done for.”
“Since the coup appears to be succeeding, the Soviets must not be intervening. A silver lining in the misfortune.”
In that case, the board looked like the Anglo-Americans would win.
I thought the Iran issue was settled that way, but it wasn’t.
Stalin moved the Red Army.
“Your Excellency. Soviet troops have entered Iran.”
I was shocked by the news.
“The Soviets really intervened?”
“Yes. They’ve air-dropped paratroopers into Tehran on a lightning strike and rolled in tanks.”
These guys were coming in hot.
Officially, the Soviets claimed they were responding to a request from their ally, Prime Minister Mosaddegh, to suppress the coup.
The Anglo-Americans condemned it as Soviet interference in a sovereign nation’s affairs, but they couldn’t claim the high ground after instigating the coup themselves.
So how would the board turn now?
Would the Soviets win?
Prime Minister Mosaddegh declared the exiled Pahlavi Shah deposed, then proclaimed the founding of the Republic of Iran.
Immediately after, Soviet forces swiftly withdrew from Iran.
“We have no ambitions in Iran.”
But I doubted the Anglo-Americans would accept Mosaddegh’s victory.
Sensing a collision course, I jumped into mediation.
“Secretary General Stalin, Your Excellency. This intervention in Iran was provocation enough to sufficiently rile Washington and London. With the Italian War winding down, is there any need to open a new front?”
I tried reasoning gently with Stalin.
“We don’t seek direct confrontation with the West either. We merely responded to a rescue request from our ally, Prime Minister Mosaddegh.”
Stalin signaled non-interference in Iran.
They’d gone so far as military intervention and now just backing off?
So, their Iran involvement was just sprinkling chili powder?
The context made sense.
The West gained as much as the Soviets lost relatively, so disrupting that was understandable.
Plus, Mosaddegh was a Soviet collaborator.
‘Even so, in the original timeline, didn’t they just watch Mosaddegh get ousted?’
At any rate, Stalin not pushing further was what mattered.
I informed Washington and London of this.
“That commie’s not the type to do that. You sure?”
“Supporting Mosaddegh once seems to have been enough for them.”
The West believed me.
But the damage from this failed coup was massive for them.
The Anglo-Americans lost their entire human network built up during the Pahlavi era in one go.
Mosaddegh had purged the military after the coup attempt.
‘If Mosaddegh holds on, even Khomeini won’t stand a chance.’
The father of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Khomeini, had risen thanks to the corrupt Pahlavi dynasty’s rule, but Mosaddegh was a ruler of incorruptible integrity compared to Pahlavi.
An Islamic Revolution against a man like that?
Fat chance.
“Your Excellency, with things turning out this way, how should we handle the Mosaddegh regime?”
Foreign Minister Kim Seong-su asked.
Our basic stance aligned with the West’s.
We generally didn’t recognize regimes they didn’t.
Mosaddegh was no exception.
Since the oil nationalization, we hadn’t recognized his regime.
“We’ll coordinate with the Anglo-Americans first, then decide.”
Hot cakes eaten too fast lead to indigestion.
If the Anglo-Americans kept up the confrontation, recognizing Mosaddegh meant nothing.
Their response was predictably icy.
“We will never recognize Mosaddegh. The economic sanctions on Iran won’t be lifted, so take note.”
No compromise with commies.
That was the Anglo-American line on Mosaddegh.
The legitimate Iranian regime in their eyes was the Pahlavi dynasty.
They’d topple Mosaddegh the moment an opportunity arose.
We had no choice either.
So, who was Iran selling its oil to?
Without oil sales, no money would flow in.
That’s what I thought, but Iran somehow scraped by with circumvention and smuggling exports.
In the end, the Iran crisis ended with the Anglo-Americans shedding bloody tears.
But there was no way this incident would wrap up peacefully.
“Look at this. If we let our guard down for a second, the commies topple free allied nations like dominoes!”
McCarthy cited Iran’s “communization” as an example to argue for blocking communization in Southeast Asia.
“Ah, that guy needs to cut it out. Isn’t he going too far?”
I was sick of being dragged around by these fools itching to play with fire worldwide.
Just as I was about to snap in frustration, a report came up from the Energy Research Institute for World Peace.
“Your Excellency, the light and flash are ready.”
The card to make Daehan a major player had landed in my hands.