Chapter 174
Chapter 174
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Will to Power (1)
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Chapter 174
The end of 1951 was a stormy time.
While Korea was too caught up in the aftermath of abolishing the Yushin system to pay attention to foreign affairs, Communist China was boasting about the successes of the Great Leap Forward.
“Harvest yields up nearly 30 percent. Chairman was right after all.”
Just reducing the sparrow population had sent production skyrocketing.
Buoyed by this abundance of military grain, Communist China launched aggressive military operations.
Even if the Communists had their internal problems, their army remained formidable.
This onslaught from Communist China was enough to shake Li Zongren’s Republic of China regime to its core.
“Lost again? This time they got completely wiped out?”
“Li Zongren, that useless bastard doesn’t know how to win.”
Dissatisfaction with Li Zongren’s string of defeats was bubbling up within the Kuomintang.
The grudges piled up since the hyperinflation had now reached a breaking point.
Chiang Kai-shek, quietly living in seclusion in Hong Kong, keenly sensed this mood through his confidants.
‘Finally, the time has come. It’s time for Chairman Chiang to rise again.’
The giant who once led all of China had taken massive political hits from two defeats and stepped down from power.
People thought a wounded Chiang Kai-shek could never make a comeback as a power player.
But the world had a way of surprising you.
No one had imagined Li Zongren would be pushed this hard by the Communists.
“Honestly, Chairman Chiang only lost a bit to Korea—what makes those guys better than him?”
The incompetent and corrupt rule of Li Zongren and the warlords stirred nostalgia for Chiang Kai-shek, who had wielded an iron fist and decisively crushed the Communists.
“If it were Chairman Chiang, we wouldn’t be scrambling like this against the Commies.”
Chiang monitored the shifting public opinion while maneuvering his loyalists from the shadows to prepare for his return.
“Chiang Kai-shek, that old fox, eyeing the throne again?”
Li Zongren picked up on the uneasy atmosphere too.
He informed his rivals, with whom he’d been locked in shadowy power struggles, and proposed reviving the anti-Chiang alliance.
But Li Zongren had forgotten one key fact.
The top dog now wasn’t Chiang—it was him.
“What nonsense. You’re the one in charge, so just step down.”
Li Zongren’s attempted anti-Chiang coalition collapsed before it even got off the ground.
On January 9, 1952, college students in Chongqing held rallies supporting Chiang Kai-shek.
“We want a strong leader. Incompetent, corrupt warlords—step down now!”
Under normal circumstances, it might have been a pro-Western democratic protest, but the trend across Asia these days was Korean-style democracy.
And with Yi Seong-jun abolishing Yushin to boot, resentment among college students toward Korean-style democracy had dropped dramatically.
“Chongqing like Pyongyang!”
They chanted slogans they wouldn’t have dared utter before.
The leader best suited to the Korean-style democracy they demanded was the giant Chiang Kai-shek, who had tried to unify China by crushing the warlords. No one else could be the Yi Seong-jun of this chaotic China.
“Have they lost their minds? Chiang Kai-shek was the guy who cracked down on your seniors.”
Li Zongren felt bewildered but couldn’t suppress the protests.
The crowds strongly backed the calls for Korean-style democracy.
Already furious at Li Zongren’s regime over inflation and the dismal progress in the civil war, the masses yearned for Chiang’s return.
Reflecting this mood, prominent anti-Chiang figures subtly shifted their stances.
“Actually, I’ve been ‘criticizing’ Chairman, not condemning him. Just pointing out his mistakes, that’s all.”
“Looks like Chiang’s the right man for the job these days.”
Then the military turned against Li Zongren too.
For all his prominence among warlords, Li was just one equal among them.
It stung less pride to bow to Chiang, who had dominated every warlord in the anti-Chiang wars.
“This is the Executive Yuan’s recommendation, Chairman Li. Wouldn’t it be best to resign now?”
The moment Li received the Executive Yuan’s advice, he sensed the tide had turned.
Holding on longer would just mean being dragged down disgracefully.
“I’ll resign.”
“Wise decision.”
Not long after Li stepped down, the warlord power holders followed suit, one after another.
Chiang’s confidants filled all the vacancies.
A week later, Chiang returned to Chongqing.
Riding a white horse into the city, he was greeted by roaring cheers from the citizens.
“Long live Chairman Chiang! Long live the leader of China!”
Amid the adulation of Chongqing’s people, Chiang reclaimed his throne.
As his first step in seizing power, Chiang assumed the roles of military committee chairman and head of the Executive Yuan.
With the people granting him this mandate, Chiang resolved to solidify his power base firmly.
‘Might as well make the most of this opportunity.’
Mimicking the Korean-style democracy (Yushin) that Yi Seong-jun had shown wouldn’t be a bad idea either.
Chiang drew the dagger he’d kept hidden in his heart.
*
“Chiang Kai-shek back in power? I thought Chairman Chiang was totally out.”
Hearing the unexpected name threw me into confusion.
“The Chinese people supported him, and he’s back on the throne. Warlords and bureaucrats are all solidly behind Chairman Chiang.”
I first calculated whether Chiang’s takeover benefited us in Korea.
‘Some gains, some risks.’
For starters, with Chiang’s charisma and leadership, he wouldn’t crumble easily to the Communists.
The problem was that Chiang wasn’t the type to settle for the status quo.
He’d topple the Nanjing regime at the first opportunity.
I decided to probe Chiang’s intentions.
“Executive Yuan President Chiang. We’d like confirmation that the anti-Communist alliance between Chongqing and Pyongyang from before is still in effect. We hope for your prompt reply.”
Surprisingly, Chiang responded affirmatively.
“Chongqing has no intention of breaking the anti-Communist alliance. If Pyongyang’s resolve holds firm, we’d like to continue it.”
So, Chongqing’s line was Communists first.
I got the picture of where Chiang was positioning himself.
He couldn’t do anything without crushing the Communists first.
It was impossible to turn on Korea with that massive enemy at his back.
The Second Korean-Chinese War had proven that.
Chiang wouldn’t have forgotten that painful lesson.
“Your Excellency, do you plan to keep aiding Chongqing? The aid we gave Chairman Chiang could come back as a blade against us later.”
Foreign Minister Kim Seong-su saw Chiang as a dangerous figure and was wary of aiding him.
I shared the sentiment, but to counter our immediate foe, Communist China, we needed to keep supplying Chiang appropriately.
Of course, I had no intention of providing unlimited mass aid forever.
“We’ll maintain support for Chongqing only through this year.”
“Is there some special change in the situation next year?”
You bet.
I had plenty of operations underway against Communist China.
I predicted that when the Great Leap Forward’s contradictions exploded, Communist China wouldn’t withstand the blow easily.
It might even shake the regime in the process.
The current Communist China couldn’t handle the Great Leap’s fallout.
“You’ll see when the time comes.”
I didn’t explain the schemes I’d cooked up to push the Great Leap Forward.
What was there to brag about?
Only a handful needed to know Korea’s dark side.
If some memoir leaked later proving Korea’s shadows, it’d be a headache.
‘Time to prepare for Mao Zedong’s downfall too.’
Even an absolute ruler like Mao would have to take responsibility for the Great Leap’s fallout.
He might end up stepping down like Yuan Shikai.
Of course, Mao wasn’t the type to relinquish power even then.
In his timeline, Mao had launched the Cultural Revolution against the government he’d built and toppled it.
No reason it’d be different this time.
Human nature doesn’t change that easily.
I had no plans to turn as ugly as Mao in the face of power.
You have to let go when it’s time.
It doesn’t make sense to think you can do whatever you want just because you built it.
“Intelligence Agency Chief. Get a read on the Communist China situation and report back.”
I tasked them with checking around Mao Zedong.
We had quite a few spies embedded in Communist China, turned from illegal residents and such.
Through them, we could gauge the situation there pretty accurately even from afar.
Though not enough to read the top leaders’ minds.
“Mao’s side seems rattled by Chairman Chiang’s comeback. Signs show the Communist forces’ movements slowing down.”
Exactly.
Even the great Mao Zedong couldn’t ignore Chiang.
The mainland situation looked headed for a balance, at least for now.
Or maybe tilting toward Kuomintang advantage.
I found the picture a bit frustrating.
I wanted to carve up China more, but meddling rashly might ruin the board.
If I had enough time, I’d maneuver patiently, but that was the problem—I didn’t.
I’d planned for China over 10 or 15 years, but whether my body held out that long was anyone’s guess.
I was aging fast.
I felt it most bitterly in bed.
Back when I first handled my wife, two or three times a day was a breeze, but lately even once was a struggle.
Even when she was pregnant and we kept it light.
Truly, even this Yi Seong-jun couldn’t defy the march of time.
It left me with a pang of regret.