Chapter 154
Chapter 154
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: The Emergence of NATO (2)
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Unlike the triumphant Soviets, Harry Truman, the leader of the free world, was deep in thought.
The public frenzy whipped up by the rampaging McCarthy meant he had to do something, but any action would only heighten the dangers of the Cold War.
What the United States needed was a new approach—one that restrained the Soviets while preserving peace, in line with the nation's overall stance.
"Your Excellency. It's the Department of Defense."
It was Marshal Bradley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
"I'm listening. Speak."
"Large quantities of supplies are starting to flow into northern Italy. The Italian People's Republic has also begun conscripting troops at a national level. Based on all these developments, it appears the Italian People's Republic has effectively commenced preparations for war."
War in Italy.
Any war in Europe was dangerous, no matter the form.
"How are preparations on the Kingdom's side in the south?"
"They've started arming themselves, but they lack the forces to confront the northern republic right away. If war breaks out, they might have to retreat to Sicily within four weeks."
Without Allied intervention, defeat was certain.
That was the Pentagon's assessment.
But if the Allies got involved in this war, would the Soviets just sit idly by?
On January 5, 1950, the Soviets had succeeded in a nuclear test in Semipalatinsk, Kazakh Soviet Republic.
Truman knew this fact as well.
If they pulled out their nukes, the other side could do the same.
It was a truly burdensome standoff.
As Truman sank into contemplation, Secretary of State Acheson rushed in clutching a document.
"Your Excellency! I've found a way to resolve the Italian crisis."
"What do you mean?"
The president took the document from Acheson, looking puzzled.
"NATO? North Atlantic Treaty Organization?"
"That's right. It was an idea in the works for some time, but circumstances derailed it. If we push it through now, even the Soviet reds will have to rethink their plans."
A collective security organization.
There was no better tool to check the reds' ambitions.
"Do we have a shot at making this happen now?"
"It's possible, Your Excellency."
The fact that Britain and France had lost all their teeth had been laid bare for the world to see.
What choice did they have in such a situation?
Truman steeled his resolve.
"Push forward with NATO. Let's make those red bastards jump in fright."
The United States drove NATO forward at full speed.
Even Britain and France, who had been uncooperative with America due to lingering resentment from the colonial wars, agreed to its creation.
The smaller nations, acutely aware of the communist bloc's momentum, were even more eager.
Canada, the Netherlands, Belgium, Portugal, Denmark, Norway, and others lined up to apply for membership.
Amid all this, one country slyly submitted an application.
"What? That fascist bastard?"
"Leotardo joined from France—why can't I?"
Franco brazenly applied to join NATO.
Still, Spain's geographic importance was too great to simply kick them out.
With France's own fascist Leotardo already in the alliance, there wasn't much grounds to refuse Franco anyway.
"We'll accept you for now, but you're under special supervision. Keep that in mind."
"Just accept me, and I won't complain."
And so, Franco successfully integrated fully into the free world.
"Finally, bringing the Southern Kingdom into the fold will wrap everything up."
When the president said this, Acheson offered a negative view.
"Admitting the Southern Kingdom to NATO risks provoking the Soviets too much."
Truman pondered Acheson's words for a moment.
"Then what do you suggest?"
"For now, just send a military advisory group and funding aid, and put off full alliance status. We're not even admitting West Germany as a member yet to avoid provoking the Soviets."
That was true.
But taking a position of abandoning Italy altogether was even more absurd.
'Can't ally with them, can't cut them loose either. What a pickle.'
In the end, moderate support for Italy while maintaining the status quo was America's best option.
"Let's do as you say, Mr. Secretary."
Once NATO was established, the Soviets flew into a rage at the emergence of this hostile military alliance.
"Those bastards—are they openly declaring war on us? Everyone can see we're the target!"
Stalin felt intense pressure from NATO's creation.
At the same time, his momentum faltered a bit.
What if the Westerners piled into Italy en masse?
Stalin had never imagined the West uniting so solidly against the Soviets.
NATO posed that much of a threat to Moscow.
This new adversary was far too massive for the Soviets to face alone.
To counter it, they needed Korea.
Only their weight could restore the balance.
Stalin hurriedly dispatched Molotov to Pyongyang.
"Prime Minister Lee Seong-jun, Your Excellency. NATO's creation is clearly a security alliance aimed at our Soviet Union and Korea. If our federation falls by some chance, do you think NATO would disband? Wouldn't they turn their sights on Korea as the new target?"
Molotov's words carried cunning intent, but the logic itself was sound.
Even the original NATO hadn't disbanded after the Soviet behemoth collapsed—instead, it expanded eastward.
This NATO would be no different.
However, Lee Seong-jun had absolute 'confidence' in the Soviets.
'You reds aren't going to collapse that easily.'
With that conviction, Lee could deftly handle Molotov's alarmism over NATO.
"You're viewing the situation too extremely, Minister. NATO is a defensive alliance."
Of course, both Lee and Molotov knew that wasn't true.
"Your Excellency, this isn't something to take lightly. NATO will become a threat to Korea in the future as well."
"We don't see it that way. The General Secretary is overly concerned."
Lee stuck to his script like a broken record.
Finally, Molotov gave up trying to persuade him.
'Korea has no intention of getting involved in this.'
It was Lee's consistent position, but it had never felt so frustrating.
Stalin scowled upon receiving Molotov's report.
When the usually impassive General Secretary showed emotion, Molotov felt a chill of fear.
Days like this tended to thicken the purge lists.
"Comrade General Secretary, under these circumstances, why not establish our own collective security organization?"
"That would just sharpen the confrontation with those bastards. Cut the nonsense."
Stalin snapped irritably.
Zhukov, who had made the suggestion, was left embarrassed.
As the General Secretary paced in front of his desk for a long while, everyone stood silently in one corner of the office, lips sealed.
He paced noisily, then stopped at the desk.
"Comrade Molotov."
"Yes, Comrade General Secretary."
"Waging war as things stand would be risky, wouldn't it?"
Of course it would.
If it were just a paper tiger, that'd be one thing—but NATO had been born as a bonded security alliance.
They wouldn't stand by and watch a war erupt right next door.
Stalin knew that too.
It wasn't a question asked out of ignorance.
The General Secretary ran his hand over the desk, then dropped a bombshell.
"Comrade Zhukov."
"Yes, Comrade General Secretary."
"I've been thinking—how about detonating a nuke in the Adriatic Sea? What do you say?"
It was a blatant nuclear threat.
Intervene in Italy, and you get nuked.
Faced with that menace, even the tightly knit NATO would have to reconsider.
Nuclear-less Britain and France, along with the minor nations, would inevitably hesitate to act.
"If we use nukes to deter NATO, America will pull out theirs too."
"We'll have to bear that risk."
Stalin viewed nukes as extremely powerful bombs.
So he figured they wouldn't be fatal even after exchanging a few.
"If we're willing to take the risk, it's worth trying."
Zhukov had always been a hardliner representing the military.
To him, who already believed the current wobbling of the Western powers made it an ideal time for war, the General Secretary's idea was right up his alley.
"As expected. Words from a Hero of the Soviet Union carry real weight, unlike ordinary folk. Always full of strength."
"Thank you, Comrade General Secretary."
"We've reached a conclusion. Let's scare the cowardly Westerners and crush the Southern Kingdom. They're just scraps the West didn't even bother admitting to NATO. They won't defend Italy prepared to take a nuke."
Even if that wasn't the case, it didn't matter.
The Italian war could be usefully exploited to clip the wings of insolent Yugoslavia and the other Eastern European allies.
Win or lose, as long as it didn't spark World War III, Stalin would come out on top.
'No, not just me winning.'
Stalin thought of those in the distant east who consistently upheld neutrality.
The iron-fisted dictator Lee Seong-jun's mighty Eastern power, Daehan.
They were the exception.
But even Lee Seong-jun's victories wouldn't last forever.
His empire lacked a staunch ideology like communism or heirs to inherit his genius.
Once the absolute ruler, who reigned on charisma alone, was gone, the empire was destined to crumble from within.
There was no need to overly worry about Korea's growth.
'In the end, our federation triumphs.'
History would ensure it.
The victory of communism was an inevitability.
To erase Korea from his mind, the General Secretary reached for the brandy.