Chapter 135
Chapter 135
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Disarmament (1)
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“Everyone, stand!”
The Army and Navy Ministers led the way as the generals rose in unison to greet me.
Knowing what we were set to discuss today, the generals’ faces were grim.
It felt like they were staring at cattle being led to the slaughterhouse.
“Be seated!”
The generals sat as I took my seat.
Today’s agenda was disarmament.
I had Kim Jeong-gil distribute the prepared budget proposal to the generals.
The military brass gaped in horror at the budget I’d laid out, as it exceeded their wildest imaginations.
“Your Excellency, we’re concerned this disarmament is going too far. To safeguard Daehan’s security, we need to maintain a minimum level of military spending. Please reconsider, Your Excellency.”
Frankly, right after slashing postwar troop numbers, pushing for another round of cuts wasn’t something the generals would take lightly—they were practically foaming at the mouth.
But the Imperial Forces were bloated beyond what the empire’s economy could justify.
It was time to trim the excess fat.
Especially outdated battleships and the like.
How long were we supposed to cling to obsolete forces and waste taxpayer money?
We already had plenty of places bleeding cash.
“Exactly. With tensions rising in Europe, it makes no sense to cut spending instead of increasing it. If we must disarm to this extent, couldn’t Your Excellency take a little more time to deliberate?”
These guys were talking nonsense.
The Soviets weren’t about to invade the Far East tomorrow, so why maintain unnecessary force levels?
We were allies with the Soviets, after all.
Even if the alliance broke, we had enough surplus forces from the disarmament to skewer the Soviet Far East Army on bayonets.
Unless Stalin suddenly lost his mind, they wouldn’t attack us—and if they did, America would come to our aid.
The puzzle pieces fit perfectly, so why blow money on excessive defense budgets?
The world war was over, and maintaining such a massive army and navy was absurd to begin with.
I’d kept the military relatively bloated until now out of concern for the shock of rapid change.
I’d shown that much consideration—they should be grateful.
But soldiers had no conscience.
“Chief Kim. Summarize that and hand it out.”
“Yes, Your Excellency.”
I had additional prepared materials distributed to the generals.
The generals read about the rationale for disarmament and its economic benefits.
Packed with insights from top economists, there was no way they could refute it.
“Ahem.”
Of course, no one was quick to nod along, agreeing the economists were right.
Who’d happily vote to shrink their own rice bowl?
That’s why I offered carrots too.
“As troop numbers shrink, we’ve prepared compensation for affected officers. Generals who retire will land consultant roles at conglomerates, bureaucratic posts in government, or CEO positions at public corporations.”
Since senior officers were present, I used polite language.
Social status compensation was covered.
“On top of that, I promise a one-time severance package equivalent to five years’ salary.”
Economically, I’d give them a generous retirement fund.
I was securing their livelihoods.
“Your Excellency, we’re not opposing this out of concern for our own jobs.”
Sure, whatever.
The National Defense Military Committee consisted of zealots like the Young Officers’ Movement types, and the rest were self-proclaimed patriots devoted to a militaristic Daehan.
If it were just about jobs, they’d have shut up the moment I offered compensation.
“I understand your feelings. But to prepare for the European situation, don’t we need to secure some leeway in advance? Cutting the military isn’t easy for me either.”
Of course, it was easy for me.
I wasn’t a soldier—I was a politician.
Yi Seong-jun here represented Daehan, not the military.
The generals let out heavy sighs.
Representing the Army, Kim Seong-ju spoke up.
“Your Excellency, the Army agrees to the disarmament.”
The Army generals nodded.
“We shall uphold Your Excellency’s will.”
The Army, made up of my loyalists from the start, was never going to rebel to the end.
That left the Navy.
“Your Excellency, the Navy wishes to follow your will as well. But we ask that our views be reflected in the process for some compromise.”
Compromise?
What compromise?
“We agree to reducing battleship forces. But we’d like to keep operating the new-model battleships.”
The Navy admirals voiced their support.
Battleships.
Those damn battleships again.
What use was a massive target that a plane with bombs could shred?
One aircraft carrier could toy with several battleships—technology had advanced that far.
Missiles and nukes were coming soon too.
Ever imagine an era where one button wipes out your fleet?
When that happens, only carrier strike groups will matter.
I couldn’t comprehend the Navy’s battleship fanatics who couldn’t read the tides of history.
Why not scrap those useless big-gun behemoths and shift cleanly to carrier-centric doctrine?
It’d benefit the empire and your jobs too.
“Maintaining costly battleships makes it hard to sustain carrier-focused strike groups as our new core force. Surely you seniors recognize the value of carriers.”
It wasn’t like the Navy was clueless about carriers.
I’d even run war games on my orders to prove their efficiency.
Yet the deep-rooted battleship advocates seemed unchanged.
Maybe because real combat footage of carriers smashing battleships was scarce.
Not having the Pacific War had its downsides.
Ah, but if it had happened, nukes would’ve rained on Pyongyang.
“Your Excellency, even if battleships’ relative value has declined, nothing projects firepower as cheaply as they do.”
I knew that.
But that was just main gun costs.
Factor in full operating expenses, and shells weren’t so cheap.
“How about this, seniors?”
I proposed keeping exactly four Navy battleships.
These were new builds from wartime.
I wanted to scrap them all, but wary of backlash, I offered this compromise.
“Absolutely not. The Navy needs at least eight battleships.”
These bastards?
Daring to add conditions to my compromise?
Come to think of it, the Navy was one group I hadn’t properly broken yet.
“What if I can’t grant that?”
I growled openly, and the admirals’ faces twitched.
Rebellion or whatever—bring it.
I’d strip them all of uniform.
Might as well strip the outdated battleship zealots anyway.
Let’s see you hold out.
Sensing my intent, the Navy side weakly acquiesced.
“We shall follow Your Excellency’s will.”
The Air Force didn’t even protest.
They were the only branch getting a budget increase in this round.
“Thanks to Your Excellency’s consideration. We’ll continue defending the empire’s skies to the best of our ability.”
The new Air Force Chief of Staff bowed repeatedly in thanks.
The Air Force’s era was coming—naturally, I’d back them.
Soon, during military reform, I planned to fold the Army and Navy Ministries into Defense Ministry bureaus and elevate the Air Force to equal status.
The disarmament discussion wrapped up smoothly.
I had the Security Command check public reaction.
Most of it was positive.
“Park Han-jin only cared about the military, but His Excellency is different.”
“Maybe taxes will drop with some cuts.”
“If His Excellency says so, it must be right.”
Some negative reactions existed.
“With reds rampaging on the continent, how can cutting the military make sense?”
That point was fair grounds for complaint.
Even I thought leaving the Chinese Communists unchecked was risky.
If I rolled out some countermeasures against them, the anti-disarmament sentiment would settle down.
Struck by the idea, I called over Army Minister Kim Seong-ju.
“You’ve got a job to do.”
“Yes. Give the order.”
“How about sending a military advisory group to China while we’re at it?”
“A military advisory group—what scale are you thinking?”
In the original timeline, mid-1950s America sent over 2,800 advisors to Korea.
They turned Korea’s quasi-army into a proper force.
We needed to do the same.
Considering Korea’s 600,000 troops then versus Li Zongren’s Republic of China (Chongqing) with just over 3 million now, we needed at least as many advisors as the Americans sent.
‘That’s the minimum to make Li Zongren’s Republic of China (Chongqing) bastards fight the CCP properly.’
“Generously, around 3,000?”
It’d also place retiring officers and generals—killing two birds with one stone.
“That’s too large-scale. Sending that many would burden us considerably.”
“Is that so? What’s your ideal number?”
“Around 200 should suffice.”
As expected, I’d aimed too high thinking of the original U.S. scale.
“Then figure out an appropriate size and report back with the dispatch roster.”
“I shall obey.”
Of course, even if approved, we couldn’t send them right away.
We’d need talks with Li Zongren’s Republic of China (Chongqing) side on dispatch terms, costs, and待遇.
Still, announcing a military advisory group carried symbolic weight.
The CCP would react to the news.
‘It’ll at least deter their reckless moves.’
I figured that was a solid counter I could tout to the public.
“Chief Kim. Get this military advisory dispatch in the Daehan News.”
“I’ll handle it immediately.”
That settled it.
I considered all disarmament-related measures taken.