Chapter 131
Chapter 131
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Postwar (1)
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Europe's front lines had sent home a million troops, while over a million POWs and civilians had been dragged in from Germany. Korean society was reeling from severe postwar aftershocks.
Supplying millions of jobs and homes for them was a tall order, even for a dictatorship.
I summoned high-ranking officials from every government ministry to discuss the issue.
As various opinions flew back and forth, the Minister of Land Development made this point.
"Whatever measures we come up with, we'll ultimately need the conglomerates' cooperation to solve this."
"Cooperation from the conglomerates, huh."
I'd already been thinking along those lines.
My relations with the chairmen weren't bad, so I picked up the phone and called the heads of the top ten conglomerates.
They were flattered that I was calling personally and pledged their full support.
If there was a clean way to handle this in partnership with the conglomerates, this seemed like the best approach.
"Develop the outskirts and build high-rises."
"Pardon?"
Redeveloping the old city centers had its limits anyway.
Even if we did, it would take too much time.
Expanding the major cities was the optimal path.
I designated Pyongyang and the empire's five major cities as hub cities and launched a massive administrative reorganization.
Twelve satellite cities were planned around Pyongyang alone.
Hanseong—Seoul—saw equally aggressive development.
I also ordered infrastructure for the expanded urban areas.
"Punch through subway lines everywhere. It's the imperial capital, after all—we need at least Line 5."
And so, a full-blown construction boom took off.
"His Excellency has commanded us to build three million units and flood the real estate market. Charge ahead like Chollima steeds and get it done in one go!"
My directive became the slogan of the "Chollima Movement."
Uh, hmm.
Doesn't that have a whiff of North Korean vibes?
Next came massive road construction.
"Now, the Republic of Korea will be a nation where every household owns a car. For that, we need wide, straight boulevards."
We carved broad avenues through city centers and broke ground on highways linking cities.
The enormous construction surge absorbed vast numbers of unemployed workers.
We funded it all through massive borrowing.
"Your Excellency, how will we cover these costs?"
To that question, I replied:
"Sell off some shares in the North China Railway Company."
"Pardon?"
With those words, the North China Railway Company—established as a colonial administration tool for national influence—transitioned to a private enterprise.
The shares sold like hotcakes to foreigners.
"North China Railway shares are skyrocketing the moment you blink. Buy now."
I dumped stocks indiscriminately in New York, London, Paris, and beyond, showing no concern for retaining control.
Pyongyang's attitude drew positive reactions from America.
"We sincerely applaud Prime Minister Your Excellency's bold decision to share North China with the West."
Of course, my calculations were nothing like what Washington imagined.
'Long-term, maintaining a colonial apparatus in North China brings more losses than gains. Better to offload it to foreigners at a profit, cut losses, and pour the cash into developing the homeland.'
While pouring huge sums into housing and infrastructure, I didn't skimp on sports, films, or the sex industry either.
"Beer! Now available at street stalls starting today! Buy yours now!"
"A fresh choice for you: Whitehall. Anticipate the vibrant allure of beautiful European women."
"Korean Professional Football League launches! Feel the pinnacle of ball control in the K-League starting today!"
"Korean Baseball Federation launches! Behold the magical bats that deliver hits from nowhere."
"Korean Basketball Federation launches! Stars to make the NBA weep take the stage!"
"Korea's biggest cinematic epic yet arrives. The tense six hours as Your Excellency saves the nation from Park Han-jin's cabal bent on privatizing it. 'Decision for the Nation.'"
Amid the construction frenzy and the 3S wave crashing in, people chatted about sports, ogled models in sex magazines, and buzzed about the latest films.
"Man, the country's got real energy these days. No more of that suffocating oppression like before."
People savored the liberation that came with the war's end.
But it was all just an illusion I'd manufactured.
The Central Intelligence Agency and Security Command doubled their informants to watch for any subversive elements and ramped up surveillance on suspect groups.
It was a technique straight out of Japan's cultural control playbook.
Give the illusion of slack while squeezing from behind.
People had no clue they were being tricked with a carrot-and-stick routine.
Sometimes, ignorance was bliss.
Even if they figured it out and protested, what could they do beyond a chat with Security Command over tea?
It wouldn't end well for me—or for them.
On the surface, I kept things relaxed so people could laugh and enjoy themselves.
My "dialogues with the people" continued in that vein.
"Your Excellency, postwar independence fervor is heating up across Asia. Does the Republic of Korea plan to get involved?"
Of course we did.
But we couldn't show our hand publicly.
"Not at present."
To avoid provoking America and Britain, we had to draw a line on this.
'Come to think of it, the French have their colony troubles too.'
On May 9, 1945—the day Germany formally surrendered—a massive massacre unfolded in Algeria.
Algerian citizens rose up demanding equal rights with the French, who responded with warships and bombers.
The slaughter prompted many soldiers serving in the French colonial forces to don uniforms of the Algerian Liberation Front and raise the banner of rebellion.
As if that weren't enough, in French Indochina, Ho Chi Minh preemptively struck French colonial troops and declared the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
For France, it was like emerging from Germany's chains only to fight a two-front war.
In our timeline, that war dragged on for over a decade.
'The French are ruthless.'
They'd dragged out that brutal war endlessly.
Anyway, France had no chance of winning.
Turning the populace into enemies in a war to prop up a baseless colonial rule? Winning that would be the real anomaly.
"Your Excellency, I'm a German child. My parents want to go back to Germany—when can we?"
A predictable question from a German.
"Dear Heinrich, I fully understand your parents' wish to return home. But sending you back is difficult. Your homeland is occupied by the Soviet Union or Poland. If you have the courage to live under communists, the Korean government is willing to arrange trains for you."
In truth, saying it like that ensured no one would want to go.
Of course, words alone weren't enough, so we spread these rumors through the German community.
"Nemmersdorf was nothing. The Ivans rape women and girls indiscriminately, torture men to death. Do you want to see your daughters, sisters, wives swollen with Ivan babies, writhing in agony?"
"German communists trained in the Soviet Union rule just like Stalin—terrorizing without cause, dragging innocents away, throwing them into camps. Life in a Stalinist state quaking in daily purge terror is no different from camp life."
"Western Germany isn't safe either. Stalin commands eight million troops, ready to resume war anytime. If it breaks out, western Germany becomes ash in seconds, and its Germans relive the Nemmersdorf nightmare."
The rumors preyed on German traumas.
Central Intelligence Agency plants in those areas made Germans too terrified to return home.
Then the agency would coax them.
"Work for Korea, and we'll treat you in a manner befitting your worth."
Pushing people psychologically then reeling them in always worked.
POWs with families in Germany mostly chose repatriation, but civilian families who had migrated en masse overwhelmingly stayed.
In the end, we absorbed nearly 1.2 million Germans.
Add the wartime population growth, and Korea's total hit about 55 million.
That put us on par with West Germany's scale in our timeline.
'Head to Europe, and we'd rank third among population powers.'
But I wasn't satisfied there.
To maximize the baby boom, I aggressively promoted childbirth.
"The nation's greatest patriot is the mother who bears the most children."
Bear lots of kids, and the state backed the family big-time.
Guaranteed college for the eldest son or daughter, full scholarships too.
Taxes slashed to near zero.
We even shielded unwed mothers from social stigma.
"A girl having a baby to take responsibility shows real courage. Don't point fingers—help her."
In that spirit, I even adopted a few unwed mothers' children.
I went all-in on boosting birth rates.
"The Republic's fertility rate needs to hit at least 5.0."
It wasn't an absurd target.
In this era, developing nations routinely exceeded 5.0.
To lock in that fertility buff, I refused to pull women into factories despite the tough conditions.
Ministers objected to my radical push.
"Your Excellency, too much population risks the Malthusian trap. Shouldn't we moderate growth?"
Shortsighted fools ignoring the era's trends.
"You lot don't get it. Population growth isn't a curse—it's a blessing."
The Republic had too few people.
To compete with America and the Soviets ahead, we needed to hit 100 million.
To reach that while I was in power, I had to rocket the fertility graph sky-high.
I ordered an acceleration of the pro-natal policies.