Chapter 13
Chapter 13
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: 12.8 Military Coup (1)
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I immediately began hastily drafting a coup plan on the spot.
The core of the operation was a surprise attack.
Sever the spine of the Park Hanjin regime with a single strike.
If we paralyzed the military's chain of command, the army would be no different from a snake with its head cut off.
Even in the 12.12 coup, the moment they kidnapped Jeong Seung-hwa, the army chief of staff and martial law commander, the outcome was decided.
We were no different.
There was just one fact we had to keep in mind.
'The military in this country is undoubtedly a far more formidable opponent than the Korean government during the 12.12 incident.'
Our adversary was the ruling faction of the Great Korean Empire, a superpower on a completely different level from the fledgling Republic of Korea hastily formed amid the chaos of liberation and the Korean War.
To topple a properly structured state, there would inevitably be many more targets to neutralize.
That said, it was unrealistic to hope for an incompetent fool like No Jaehyeon in Pyongyang.
I compiled a list of key enemy figures who needed to be subdued in advance.
0. Prime Minister No Jaewoo.
1. Army Minister and Army Commander-in-Chief, Field Marshal Park Hanjin.
2. Army Chief of Staff, General of the Army Jo Beomseok.
3. Army Vice Chief of Staff, General Hae Yeonggeun.
4. Army Security Command Commander, General Lee Jeongju.
5. Capital Defense Command Commander, General Jin Kyungchae.
These were just the core military personnel.
On top of that, we had to seize the Imperial Palace, the prime minister's residence, the broadcasting station, and the Army Ministry.
While securing all these locations, we also had to neutralize the 1st Guard Division—the backbone of the Loyalty Division—within six hours.
It was already a daunting mission, and now with a time limit to boot.
If we exceeded the deadline, the 12th and 33rd Infantry Divisions stationed in the capital region would rush in, and by dawn, the navy, air force, and marines would intervene.
I pulled out a map of Pyongyang and pondered the troop allocations for each mission.
Once the coup began, the Executive Committee members would start seizing their units, so we wouldn't be short on forces to fight the Guard Division.
The problem was the troops needed for the preparatory phase.
To capture the key figures who needed to be neutralized beforehand, we required manpower for that.
'Moving troops without authorization would alert the Security Command and expose the coup.'
That would be the end of everything.
We needed troops that could move while evading the Security Command's watchful eyes.
There was only one such force available.
'Military police.'
Come to think of it, the ones who kidnapped Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa during the 12.12 coup were also military police.
Under the original plan, we wouldn't have needed to borrow the military police's hand at all—we'd have planted sympathizers in the Guard Division and Security Command to strike at the enemy's vulnerabilities.
But since we were accelerating the timeline, we now needed help from high-ranking military police officers beyond my direct reach.
I had Kim Jeonggil compile profiles on the key military police officers and bring them to me.
"Hmm. These are all just names I vaguely recognize."
In the narrow world of the military, officers of colonel rank or higher usually knew each other's faces from crossing paths.
Even if you didn't recognize the face, hearing the name would jog your memory: Ah, that guy?
But that didn't mean we had the kind of rapport to recruit them.
To begin with, fellow officers in the military were rivals competing for the few available positions and postings.
That's how factions and lines of allegiance formed.
I had no connections to these high-ranking military police officers.
Or rather, I hadn't had time to build any.
Even if I did, the Security Command wouldn't stand idly by.
What to do?
As I was deep in thought, Jeonggil spoke up.
"General."
"I was thinking. What is it?"
"Do we really need to pull in high-ranking officers from the military police?"
"What's your take?"
"For the arrest operations, we can just use the junior officers who handle the fieldwork. The military police have friends who follow you, don't they, sir?"
Junior officers were generally younger.
And among them, there were plenty of mid-level reformists who agreed with my 'view of the state.'
"We'll use my followers."
I mulled over Jeonggil's suggestion.
Without senior officers, disguising the movements would be tricky.
But opting for young officers meant we had several ready candidates we could recruit immediately.
There were friends I'd won over during meals back when I was a division commander, and others I'd built rapport with as Army Policy Research Officer.
'No real choice, is there.'
I had Jeonggil compile a list of officers to recruit, then summoned them to the Army Policy Research Office.
The pretext was that I wanted to gauge their insights on the military police's role in operational missions.
Three hours later, six military police officers were lined up in the Policy Research Office, a room that usually sat empty.
These guys were all reformists who admired Yi Seongjun, so they showed me deep goodwill and respect.
You couldn't explain it in words.
It showed in the smallest gestures, the glint in their eyes.
These were men I could trust and use.
That was my conviction.
I offered them tea and began the conversation.
It started with small talk.
As the discussion deepened bit by bit, I steered it toward dangerous waters.
There were other officers in the Policy Research Office besides Jeonggil, but it didn't matter.
They were reformists and my followers too.
"The Korean Empire stands at a crossroads of prosperity or ruin. It's because 'someone' has driven the country to the brink. Don't you agree?"
Even for my followers, it was hard to answer readily.
But it didn't matter.
I decided to lead by example, crossing the dangerous bridge first.
"I believe that 'someone' must be dragged down. Only then can we set this country right."
"!!!!!"
"General, sir. What you're saying is..."
"Wouldn't you join me, Yi Seongjun, in a revolution?"
Military revolution.
In truth, it was absurd wordplay.
Textbooks call 5.16 a military coup, not a military revolution.
But human emotions are like that.
"Revolution" makes your heart race, makes it sound grand.
The revolution I spoke of was the same.
It was the vision I'd been preaching as Yi Seongjun all this time.
The blueprint for the future.
Linking that with the word "revolution" was enough to set young officers' hearts ablaze.
To begin with, the mindset of junior officers in the Korean Empire wasn't much different from that of Japan's Kodo faction.
This was the 20th century, the age of ideologies.
In this era, those willing to stake their lives on their ideals were commonplace.
All the more so if it aligned with what they saw as justice.
The word "revolution" I introduced was the spark.
One officer asked in a slightly trembling voice,
"What do you mean by revolution, Your Excellency?"
"Restoration. Shatter all the outdated notions in this country and rebuild anew. That's the revolution I envision."
Remake this country from head to toe.
Just like Japan's Meiji Restoration.
And transform the Korean Empire from a pathetic cartoon empire into something closer to the lost homeland, the Republic of Korea.
"Your Excellency."
"I've shown my convictions plainly. What about yours?"
At my words, one of the officers shot to his feet and saluted me crisply.
"This is Yi Seongmyeong. I pledge to follow Your Excellency and Your Excellency's revolution."
The others followed suit, standing and saluting one after another.
"This is Park Sanggun. I join the great cause of restoration."
It wasn't just the military police officers—the Policy Research Office officers joined in too.
"This is Lee Hanyong. I wish to join Your Excellency's revolution!"
"With you all by my side, it's like gaining ten thousand heavenly troops. Thank you. All of you, thank you."
I had Jeonggil distribute oak leaves, the symbol of the Executive Committee.
A homage to the Black Orchestra that tried to assassinate Hitler.
"General, sir, what is this?"
"It's our organization's mark. When the great undertaking begins, you'll see people wearing this insignia."
Thanks to these military police officers who pledged loyalty, I now had hands and feet for the execution phase.
They were only captains and majors, nothing impressive in rank, but what mattered was where they worked.
These officers were field operators in charge of the Provost Marshal's Office, Army Ministry Crime Investigation Unit, 1st Guard Division 11th Military Police Company, Capital Defense Command 22nd Military Police Company, and the like.
The small detachments under them could wield tremendous power in the initial surprise phase.
Of course, we'd need a bit of luck.
I immediately assigned missions to these officers on the spot.
"Captain Yi Seongmyeong."
"Yes, General."
"Assault Park Hanjin's residence with one platoon from the Provost Marshal's Office. Lethal force authorized if they resist."
"Understood."
"Major Park Sanggun."
"Yes, General."
"I'll leave the Army Chief of Staff's residence to you."
"No need for concern."
I assigned missions to the officers one by one.
They saluted crisply each time, their faces flushed with excitement.
Their direct superior was no longer just the nominal Provost Marshal.
It was me, Yi Seongjun.
"Operation launch: December 8th. Prepare thoroughly and synchronize schedules."
"Yes, General."
I sent the military police officers on their way and turned to the Policy Research Office officers.
They were in dead-end postings, but since they'd pledged to follow me, I figured I should give them work.
"Major Lee Hanyong."
"Yes, General."
"You and your men come to my residence on December 8th. I need people for errands."
"Understood."
I gave his shoulder a light pat.
Now, all preparations were complete.
All that remained was to cross the Rubicon.