Chapter 103
Chapter 103
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Operation Valkyrie (4)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Eight million Soviet troops began their advance westward.
“How the hell are we supposed to stop those Ivans when they’re pouring in like that?”
The German coup had ended with a full-scale retreat of the Eastern Front forces.
The Wehrmacht had put up a decent fight in its own way, but with the unexpected halt of operations, internal chaos, and Hitler’s purges leaving them unable to regroup, they were getting relentlessly steamrolled by the Red Army’s momentum.
The front lines were pushed back westward day by day, giving rise to even darker worries.
What if the Reds ended up reaching the Atlantic coast?
David Glantz’s masterpiece, *Stalingrad Trilogy*, argued that without Allied intervention, Soviet troops would have marched along the French coastline. I didn’t fully agree, but looking at the current situation, it wouldn’t be surprising if that became reality.
Army generals like Kim Seong-ju shared my pessimistic view of the Nazis’ plight.
“At this rate, the loss of eastern Ukraine, which lacks strong defensive lines, can be considered a foregone conclusion.”
In truth, the frontline shifts weren’t much different from the original timeline.
If anything, the German lines were even farther east than in the original.
The problem lay in the state of the two armies.
Germany’s pool of talent was far weaker than in the original timeline, while the Soviets possessed a level of strength on another plane entirely.
They had preserved experienced troops by reducing manpower losses, ramped up munitions production, and doubled their combat effectiveness. That was the reason.
The current Red Army could breach even the natural fortress of the Dnieper River in a flash.
If, by some misfortune, they planted a foot in Poland before we could land, the situation would spiral into utter catastrophe.
We had to prevent things from twisting that badly at all costs.
“Is there no chance at all for partial German counterattacks?”
“From the battlefield reports, it doesn’t look hopeful.”
Yeah, figures.
There was nothing to expect from the Nazis.
That meant I had to create the variable myself.
I chain-smoked for a few minutes, turning the office hazy with smoke.
Jeong Gil approached the window and asked permission.
“Sir, shall I air out the room?”
“Go ahead.”
Was there some clever ploy to slow the Soviet advance?
The best option would be to tamper with Lend-Lease aid.
Cutting it back would weaken their offensive capabilities, but touching it would undoubtedly provoke a fit from Moscow.
‘No, there’s no need for us to play the villain. Let’s dump it on someone else.’
I dismissed the generals and picked up the phone.
“Send in the Intelligence Director.”
Moments later, Lee Kyung-ho entered.
“Sir, what is it?”
I’d piled on so much work lately that even the Intelligence Director looked fatigued.
“It’s nothing major, but I need Intelligence to handle something.”
“Please, go ahead.”
“Use the lobbying channels we set up before to convey concerns about the risk of Europe falling to communism. If the U.S. political and business elites move to check the Soviets, it should impact Lend-Lease, right?”
“It’s possible, but if word gets out, it could ruffle Soviet feathers.”
Sure, it might.
But the Soviets would stomach that much discomfort.
After all, they owed us big time.
“We’ll take that risk. Get started.”
“Understood.”
Since it was through unofficial channels rather than formal ones, even if Moscow found out, they couldn’t protest too vehemently.
Assuming that took care of the U.S. side.
We needed to influence British Lend-Lease too.
“Ah.”
Then a name popped into my head.
The die-hard anti-communist who could conjure up Operation Unthinkable on his own: Churchill.
I’d momentarily forgotten the British Empire’s greatest output, Mr. Gallipoli.
“Foreign Ministry Chief of Staff. Foreign Minister, sir. We need a meeting with Churchill.”
I proposed a Korean-British foreign ministers’ conference to the British side, including key issues they cared about for direct talks. Churchill flew all the way to Pyongyang.
Fast worker.
Formally, it was a foreign ministers’ dialogue, but in substance, it was between me and Churchill.
Foreign Minister Joo Si-kyung sat in without uttering a word; the conversation was just between Churchill and me.
Churchill took an interest in my pitch to trim Lend-Lease to the Soviets.
“So, you want to maintain the vision you first showed us of divvying up Germany. Is that a fair summary of your intentions?”
“That’s right.”
“If that’s your aim, why did you side with Moscow when the Reds expanded in Italy?”
Because I wanted to set Italy ablaze, obviously.
But no need to spell it out honestly.
We weren’t kids getting Santa gifts—what was the point?
“That was a maneuver to extract concessions from Britain in negotiations. You opposed handing over battleships to the Soviets so fiercely that I had to push back hard.”
“Handing battleships to the Reds was utterly incomprehensible. I need a convincing explanation for that.”
“It was a long-term measure to erode Soviet national strength. Review the materials we prepared, and it’ll make sense. Director Kim. Bring it here.”
I showed Churchill a report from a naval exercise our navy ran, comparing carrier and battleship combat efficiency in the same vein.
Churchill, having vaguely sensed carriers’ power from the Mediterranean naval battles, bought into my argument.
“Not all my doubts about Korea are resolved, but I understand the logic that the Prime Minister’s intent in transferring battleships wasn’t to aid the Reds. So, can I take it that Korea stands with us in checking the communists?”
“Of course.”
As long as it aligned with Korea’s interests.
“Very well. In exchange for cooperating with Korea, I request your support on the German eastern border issue.”
So that’s how the ball came back to my court.
A German border matter we had no stake in wasn’t hard to accommodate.
After all, the East Germany(?)–Poland border was an internal Soviet sphere affair.
No matter how they drew the lines, it was just an administrative tweak within Soviet influence.
Agreeing wouldn’t change much.
Sure, things might differ after I was long gone and Germany unified, but was I supposed to worry about that?
I decided to accept Churchill’s request.
“Agreed. But how do you plan to draw the German eastern border?”
“Our government feels the Oder-Neisse line shrinks eastern Germany too much, so we’d cede only eastern Pomerania, Silesia, and East Prussia to Poland.”
For a British proposal, it was remarkably generous.
“What’s the reason for offering Germany such lenient terms?”
Frankly, it puzzled me.
The original Oder-Neisse-based German territory was just 357,000 square kilometers.
By the British plan, it jumped to 405,000.
Both were devastating to Germans, but unlike the Oder-Neisse, this kept most eastern cities in German hands—a meaningful border.
“We need to secure as much German territory as possible postwar to stand against communist Poland.”
Communist Poland, huh.
The Brits were already prepping to cut ties, talking about restoring the exile government.
True to form, masters of backstabbing and double-dealing.
“What if Poland doesn’t go communist?”
Churchill replied matter-of-factly.
“Then the Oder-Neisse isn’t so bad.”
The point was to extend Western influence as far east as possible.
But drawing the border that way offered no guarantee East Germany would join the West.
If they thought it’d lead to reunification, I’d call it a miscalculation.
The Soviets would never allow a unified Germany.
In reality, when the West merged zones into West Germany, Stalin calculated they’d recover and challenge him within 15 years.
A halved Germany warranted that much caution—would they agree to a unified one?
That wouldn’t be the Soviet Union.
That wouldn’t be Stalin.
For Soviets, better to sabotage talks than agree to a unified Germany with the Allies.
That’s exactly what happened originally.
Somehow, chatting about Germany revealed unexpected rapport with Churchill.
My subtle anti-Red stance aligned with his views.
“Then we’re agreed on the border. No changing positions at the Allied conference.”
“I’m no Red—why would I break my word? Rest easy.”
“Truly, sir, you cut straight to the chase and decide decisively in person.”
It sounded like praise with a bite.
Probably resentment over me hounding him on Italy.
Anyway, I’d gotten what I wanted.
Churchill shrewdly promised to cut Lend-Lease to the Soviets.
“Loosen your belt today and eat your fill.”
“Thank you, Prime Minister.”
In high spirits, I treated Churchill to a lavish full-course Korean banquet.
Korean-style, though it included some ‘Japanese’ elements.
But with Japan as a protectorate of the Korean Empire, wasn’t it all ‘Korean’ food?
Churchill devoured the sushi, praising how Korean cuisine suited his palate.
‘Well, it is Korean food now—no harm in the phrasing.’
“Eat up.”
We gorged until our stomachs nearly burst.
A day that filled both heart and belly.