Chapter 74
Chapter 74
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Translator: Ace
Chapter: 74
Chapter Title: The Russo-Japanese War Begins (1)
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Where the first shots of war rang out was, as everyone had expected, the Korean Empire.
Wa啊啊啊~!!!
"Egumunina, what's all this racket?"
"It's the Japs! The Japs are invading!"
On the morning of February 6, 1904, at 4 a.m.,
the Empire of Japan landed in Busan without any declaration of war, seized the telegraph office, and cut off all communications to Seoul.
And two days later, on February 8.
Boom! Bang!
"Gasp! Heave! What in the world is going on?!"
"It's the Japanese fleet. The Japanese fleet is attacking us!"
"What? We didn't get any report of Japan declaring war on our Russian Empire!"
"It seems they've launched a surprise attack without even a declaration!"
"These... these filthy monkey bastards dare...!!"
The Japanese Combined Fleet, led by Admiral Togo Heihachiro, attacked the Russian Pacific Fleet stationed at Lüshun Port and Chemulpo, officially igniting the Russo-Japanese War.
Just like in the Sino-Japanese War, there was no declaration of war—it was a blatant surprise attack.
The Battles of Lüshun Port and Chemulpo continued until the next day, February 9.
In the Battle of Lüshun Port, the Japanese Combined Fleet launched a nighttime torpedo assault using destroyers.
Three Russian ships—the battleship Retvizan, the battleship Tsarevich, and the protected cruiser Pallada—were damaged by the Japanese destroyers' torpedoes, but the Japanese fleet failed to achieve any greater success.
Meanwhile, in the Battle of Chemulpo, the Russian protected cruiser Varyag and gunboat Korietz, stationed at Chemulpo Port, were damaged in the surprise attack by Japanese forces and chose to scuttle themselves, handing victory to the Japanese fleet.
Admiral Uryu Sotokichi, who commanded the Chemulpo attack, ordered the immediate landing of 50,000 army troops at Chemulpo now that the Russian fleet obstacle was gone.
Thus, Japanese forces set foot on Korean soil once again after the Sino-Japanese War.
They swiftly occupied Chemulpo and marched straight on the Korean Empire's capital, Seoul.
The Korean Empire had declared neutrality in the war between Russia and Japan, but the Japanese army's actions mocked that declaration without restraint.
And the Korean Empire, utterly unable to mount any proper counterattack against the advancing Japanese forces, surrendered its capital with humiliating ease.
"Mr. Pavlov, all preparations are complete."
"Whew, farewell to this country as well. Let's depart."
Three days later, on February 12,
Russian Minister to Korea Alexei Ivanovich Pavlov evacuated Seoul under the escort of Russian troops guarding the legation, severing diplomatic ties between the Korean Empire and the Russian Empire.
And just like during the Agwan Pacheon, Emperor Gojong—unable to seek refuge in the Russian legation or those of other nations—fell into a status little better than a Japanese captive.
With Seoul occupied and Gojong in hand, Japan effectively seized control of the entire Korean Peninsula and smoothly proceeded to the next phase of its plans.
The Japan-Korea Protocol.
The first official step toward the Empire of Japan's colonization of Korea had begun.
"Your Majesty, have you reviewed the terms of the treaty?"
"……."
Several days after Seoul fell to the Japanese army.
Emperor Gojong responded to Hayashi Gonsuke, the Japanese Minister to Korea, whose question seemed to mock his plight, with silence.
He desperately wanted to shout at them to get out of his palace right that instant, but the menacing aura emanating from Major General Inoue Hikaru, commander of the Japanese 12th Division, standing beside Hayashi made it impossible.
"Then we shall take that as Your Majesty's agreement."
"……."
As Gojong kept his head turned away without a word, Hayashi maintained his smile despite a flicker of irritation.
But once again, no reply came.
What a tiresome display of pointless stubbornness.
Hayashi muttered inwardly, but it wasn't a major issue.
The powerless emperor before him had no choice but to obey them anyway.
Hayashi Gonsuke and Inoue Hikaru bowed their heads to Gojong with rudeness bordering on insolence before exiting the side hall.
Only after the two Japanese men had vanished did Gojong finally breathe properly.
"...It's fine. There's still hope."
The Japanese insolence, this Japan-Korea Protocol stuffed with pretenses—all of it would be rendered void if the Russian Empire won the war.
Though they'd suffered setbacks from the initial surprise attacks, the main battles hadn't even begun.
The Korean Empire still had a chance at survival.
"Moreover, didn't Sekhyeon and Gyejeong say they'd prepared something for a day like this?"
They'd spoken vaguely, so Gojong didn't know the details, but they called it a contingency to protect him and the nation.
Yi Yong-ik and Min Yeong-hwan were absolute loyalists unlike the other corrupt officials, so he could trust them.
"Please, Russia, win. Russia."
Gojong prayed fervently for Russia's victory over Japan.
Meanwhile, Inoue Hikaru, leaving Gyeongun Palace, asked Hayashi Gonsuke with a puzzled expression.
"You say we can ignore the Korean emperor, but won't the Korean officials get in our way?"
"Most Korean officials will side with us or stand by. Out of fear, if nothing else."
According to Hayashi Gonsuke's experience, Korean officials were no fools.
They knew full well which side benefited them.
The problem was those who, despite knowing better, clung to hollow patriotism and loyalty with stiff necks.
"But as you say, Major General, some will try to block us."
"The pro-Russian faction, you mean."
"Yes. Yi Yong-ik in particular is a problem."
Hayashi Gonsuke clicked his tongue in distaste at the mention of Yi Yong-ik's name.
Without eliminating Yi Yong-ik, the leader of the pro-Russian faction and vanguard of anti-Japanese forces, the protocol could face major obstacles.
"If you wish, I could..."
"No. I appreciate your sentiment, Major General Inoue, but the home government is already moving to deal with Yi Yong-ik. The moment His Majesty's order comes down, that man won't hinder us."
Hayashi Gonsuke flashed a sinister smile.
In fact, Japan anticipated issues with the protocol if Yi Yong-ik wasn't removed, so even Emperor Meiji got involved to kidnap him to Japan before the signing.
"This country is already as good as in the hands of our Great Japanese Empire."
All that remained was crushing Russia.
"In the end, it came to this."
While Hayashi Gonsuke and Inoue Hikaru were grinning at Japan's bright future, Yi Yong-ik—the Minister of Finance they'd named—muttered darkly in Min Yeong-hwan's residence.
"Even the neutrality declaration was useless."
"We expected as much."
Min Yeong-hwan consoled Yi Yong-ik.
Gathered around him were old Reform Party comrades like Yi Jun—one of the Hague envoys—and Yi Sang-jae, future leader of the Sin'ganhoe independence group.
Also present were future independence activists like Yi Sang-seol, Yi Hoe-yeong, and Park Eun-sik, along with pro-Korean missionaries like Reverend Underwood, all discussing the erupted Russo-Japanese War and Japan's bared claws toward Korea.
"Reverend, what's the reaction in the West?"
"They're focused solely on the Russia-Japan war. No one's paying attention to Korea."
Underwood replied with a gloomy expression.
Though born across the distant sea, he was one who truly loved Korea.
"Gyejeong, is the German Empire the same?"
"They're swamped with a colonial revolt in Africa. And apparently, our little baron has been appointed chief suppressor of the rebellion."
Yi Yong-ik sighed at Min Yeong-hwan's words.
When Hans visited the Korean Empire, Yi Yong-ik had been away from Seoul on business and missed him.
But according to Min Yeong-hwan, Yi Sang-seol, and Yi Hoe-yeong, who had met the baron, he prioritized Germany as the emperor's subject but genuinely pitied Korea's plight, making him trustworthy.
And right now, Korea needed every reliable ally it could get.
Of course, it was a point of pride that the young baron's status was rising enough for such a heavy responsibility.
"Surely this won't disrupt our plans?"
"Don't worry on that front. Everything's already prepared."
The others nodded at Yi Sang-seol's words.
After meeting Hans, Min Yeong-hwan and these future independence fighters had prepared for the aftermath of Japan seizing Korea.
Some, like Choi Ik-hyeon, planned righteous armies in the provinces against the invasion, but those present viewed it coldly: Korea becoming a Japanese colony or puppet was inevitable.
Just look at the Japanese troops treating Seoul like their own home.
Their homeland had wasted efforts to modernize the military under Yi Yong-ik and Min Yeong-hwan, surrendering the capital—and the nation—without firing a proper shot.
And Japan was already moving via the Japan-Korea Protocol to claim Korea.
Of course, if Russia wins the war, that might change.
Min Yeong-hwan, Yi Sang-seol, and Yi Hoe-yeong had heard from the baron that the moment Japan took the peninsula, Korea would become Japan's spoils regardless of the war's outcome.
And that was becoming reality.
They had to think ahead.
To the coming fall of Korea and the Korean Empire.
And the Japanese Empire's rule over its people.
Thus, Min Yeong-hwan sought to secure the drive to fight even after losing the nation.
And before leaving, the baron had given him one strategy to achieve it.
When Min Yeong-hwan, Yi Sang-seol, and Yi Hoe-yeong heard the plan, their faces paled.
It was unthinkable in Korea.
But after agonizing deliberations, Min Yeong-hwan decided to follow the baron's plan.
They couldn't just hand over the country without resistance.
And if pulled off right, it could deal Japan a massive blow.
So Min Yeong-hwan desperately persuaded Yi Yong-ik, the Minister of Finance managing national finances and the imperial household's inner treasury as former Director of the Inner Treasury.
The plan was impossible without him.
Of course, if Gojong had rolled up his sleeves, it would've been easier—but wishes weren't horses.
All Min Yeong-hwan could picture was the emperor flying into a rage upon hearing it.
Yi Yong-ik had fiercely opposed at first, insisting they couldn't do such a thing without His Majesty's permission.
But Min Yeong-hwan's relentless persuasion—tainted by all the mischief he'd learned from Hans—and Korea's darkening plight wore him down.
"His Majesty will never forgive us if he finds out. We might even be branded traitors."
Yi Yong-ik, a 16th-generation descendant of Grand Prince Wanpung (half-brother to King Taejo Yi Seong-gye) and thus of the Jeonju Yi clan though not royalty, said with a bitter smile.
"Lord Yi, a traitor who tried to defend the nation is better than one who let it fall without a fight."
"If Russia wins and Japan withdraws..."
"I swear, we'll restore everything then."
Yi Yong-ik nodded at Min Yeong-hwan's words.
Yes. All for the what-if.
"All preparations are complete. Now we leave it to heaven."
As Zhuge Liang said: Schemes are man's domain, but success or failure rests with heaven. One cannot force it.