Chapter 142
Chapter 142
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Translator: Ace
Chapter: 142
Chapter Title: The Road to War (3)
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“Puhahaha—!!”
Piłsudski burst into laughter at Hans's words about allying with Germany to grant Poland independence, as if he simply couldn't hold it back.
Of course, it wasn't laughter of joy. It was the kind that erupted from sheer absurdity.
“In all my life, I never thought I'd hear Germany promising to grant us Poles independence. And from the Kaiser's own son-in-law, no less!”
Poland's independence.
Was there anything Piłsudski and his fellow Poles had yearned for more fervently over the past few centuries?
Yet it was utterly preposterous for the German Empire—or the Kaiser's son-in-law—to even utter such words.
To draw a comparison with Korea, it was as ridiculous as the Emperor of Japan's son-in-law promising to liberate Joseon.
But regardless of what Piłsudski thought, Hans was dead serious.
“I apologize, but this isn't some crude joke. The German Empire truly intends to permit Polish independence. Of course, there are conditions.”
“That goes without saying. If you'd tacked on some nonsense about goodwill or conscience, I would've punched you in the face, Kaiser son-in-law or not.”
Of course, he wasn't being entirely sincere.
Piłsudski wasn't foolish enough to pull something like that right in the heart of Berlin.
Hans knew as much, so he brushed off the remark and began explaining why he'd brought up Polish independence in the first place.
“First off, as you suspect, General, I believe war will break out in Europe before long. And that war will inevitably pit Germany and Austria-Hungary against Britain, Russia, and France.”
Piłsudski nodded without argument.
Given the current balance of power in Europe, it was only natural.
“So you're saying you plan to grant Poland independence and turn it into a spearhead against Russia.”
But that was no different from what the Austria-Hungary Empire wanted from Piłsudski and the Polish independence fighters.
That's why Piłsudski realized the young man before him—hailed as Bismarck's successor—had something more in mind.
The famous Hans Choi wouldn't have summoned him all the way to Berlin just to spout the obvious.
And as Piłsudski anticipated, Hans's plan was far grander.
“Poland is just the beginning.”
“Hm?”
“Finland.”
“!”
“The Baltic states, Ukraine, and if possible, the Caucasus and even Central Asia.”
Independent states would spring up across every corner of the Russian Empire that could break free.
That was Hans's plan.
Long ago, while discussing Schlieffen and the Schlieffen Plan with him, I'd given serious thought to how to bring down the Russian Empire.
Russia, with its vast territory and hellish natural conditions epitomized by the rasputitsa mud and General Winter, was a nightmare for any attacker.
That's why even Napoleon and Hitler—who came perilously close to conquering the European continent—ultimately failed against Russia and dragged their own fates down with them.
And now the German Empire, lacking a genius like Napoleon and facing a France that wouldn't fall in six weeks like Hitler had hoped, had no chance of succeeding against Russia.
Of course, the Schlieffen Plan's ultimate goal for the Eastern Front wasn't Moscow but capturing St. Petersburg, the capital of the Tsarist regime.
But in the end, it's all the same.
Marching all the way to distant St. Petersburg wouldn't be easy in the first place, and if the German army advanced, Tsar Nicholas II and the Russian government would undoubtedly abandon the city and relocate the capital to Moscow.
That's why I'd flatly told Schlieffen that orthodox methods couldn't topple the Russian Empire.
“Then how do you propose we tackle that massive bear of the frozen north?”
“It's simple. Grant independence to regions under Russian oppression—like Poland—to swell our ranks and sow chaos within the Empire itself.”
“...Have you lost your mind?”
Schlieffen's reaction wasn't favorable, to put it mildly.
He might hold me in affection, but at his core, he was a Prussian Junker. To them, Poland was territory to be ruled, not some land deserving half-hearted mercy and independence.
That's why, in the early stages of World War I in real history, the German Empire not only annexed vast swaths of Polish territory under the banner of the “Polish Border Strip” but also planned ethnic cleansing by expelling Poles and Jews from those areas.
Of course, the Border Strip plan was scrapped soon after as the tide turned against the Allies.
Instead, Germany established the puppet Regency Kingdom of Poland in the occupied territories.
Needless to say, no one needs to guess how Poles felt about what amounted to a sequel to their era of constitutional monarchy under German thumbs.
“But consider this: We have to commit massive forces to the French front anyway, leaving us short on the Eastern Front.”
Popular media on World War I, dominated by wicked Brits and Americans portraying themselves as the sole protagonists, downplays it, but France was the true star of the Western Front and the backbone of the Entente.
And we Germans had to face that France one-on-one.
Sure, there are British forces, but late in the war maybe—not in the early days. The British Expeditionary Force that landed on the continent was small, so we'd have to handle France alone at first.
If things went well with the intelligence ministry's current operation, Belgium might even join the Kaiser alliance, but their forces were limited and wouldn't bolster our strength immediately.
“But liberating Poland and other Eastern European nations to our side would ease the Eastern Front burden. We'd even have spare capacity to aid Austria-Hungary.”
“Even if we occupy Poland...”
“Would Poles obey an invader? We're lucky if they don't revolt.”
“...”
In fact, during World War I, Hans von Beseler—the Governor-General of Poland—tried dangling various carrots to conscript Poles, only to hear, “Get the German army out!”
To them, there was no difference between German and Russian troops.
Given the fierce nationalism of the Poles, it was better to simply grant independence, install one of our brothers-in-law or a suitable German royal as monarch, and turn it into a satellite state under German influence—rather than annexing or subjugating it.
The same went for other regions.
While pinning down the French with the British on the Western Front, smash the Russians at Tannenberg, liberate Poland, Ukraine, and the rest!
In real history, the Germans had crushed a Russian force twice their size with just one army in East Prussia.
With one or two more armies deployed, and as long as we propped up the Austria-Hungarians so they didn't collapse in Galicia, victory was all but assured.
And finally, drop Lenin in to spark the Russian Revolution and boot the Empire from the war as quickly as possible.
Then concentrate everything on France and Italy—the likely latecomer to the Franco-Russian side—and finish them off.
That was the essence of the new Schlieffen Plan.
Of course, thinking of the Soviet Union raised concerns, but precisely because of that, I believed we needed to liberate nations and peoples under Russian rule and bring them into our sphere.
Can't prevent the Soviet birth? Then weaken it to the max!
Losing Ukraine alone—their breadbasket—would cripple the Soviets compared to real history.
And personally, I'd love to see Azerbaijan with its Baku oil fields go independent too, but exerting direct influence there would be tough, so we'd decide later based on the situation.
Besides, the existence of that vile communist Soviet state would only solidify German influence over our Eastern European satellites.
Call it hostile coexistence.
To avoid Napoleon's fate, someone had to play the villain in our stead—and the Soviets were essential for that.
Of course, none of this had been revealed to anyone. It was my secret.
“...Now I see why they call you Bismarck's successor.”
Having heard Hans's plan, Piłsudski stared at him with a stunned expression.
Directly toppling the Russian Empire was impossible, so liberate every feasible region to incite chaos from all sides and crumble it from within.
Could a sane person conceive such a scheme?
Piłsudski shook his head, convinced it was unlikely.
“The proposal itself isn't bad for Poland, I'll grant you that. But...”
There was a price to Germany's offer.
Accepting it meant permanently renouncing claims to Polish lands under German control.
Moreover, they'd have to crown one of the Kaiser's sons or a German royal as king, so post-independence Poland wouldn't escape German influence—puppet state or not.
Yet the independence of their long-dreamed homeland was finally within reach.
Piłsudski had already steeled himself for the worst when accepting Austria-Hungary's support: Poland becoming a vassal like Bohemia or Hungary, ruled by the Austro-Hungarian Emperor as King of Poland.
That wasn't far off from reality, so he couldn't call his resolve misguided.
Compared to that, Marquis Hans Choi's terms—at least guaranteed full independence—were better. Knowing this, Piłsudski couldn't refuse.
“But can we truly assume the Kaiser or the Junkers share your views?”
His concerns lingered.
No matter how he looked at it, Wilhelm II and the Junkers wouldn't approve of the enigmatic smile on their Foreign Minister's face and his inscrutable plans.
“The Kaiser has already consented.”
“Truly?”
As Piłsudski's eyes widened, Hans nodded solemnly, like a soldier returning alive from brutal combat.
Convincing Wilhelm II hadn't been easy.
“Grant Poland independence if war breaks out?”
Already reeling from the report Hans had dropped upon becoming Foreign Minister, Wilhelm II raised his voice at this new bombshell.
Then he countered with his own proposal.
“I'm fine with liberating Russian Poland as a buffer zone. But why full independence? Why not establish an autonomous kingdom instead? Subordinate their economy, military, railroads— all transportation—to us, and have the Crown Prince rule it.”
“...Your Majesty, what makes that any different from a colony?”
Not even a proper puppet.
So Hans did what he always did: invested time and effort to persuade the Kaiser.
“Daddy, your son-in-law has never been wrong, has he? Can't you just trust him?”
“Khkh...”
Luise Victoria's charm offensive toward her father played a big role too.
With husband and wife united as one, how could a doting father resist his beloved youngest daughter's plea? His stern face softened, and he sided with Hans.
“As for the Junkers, that's not for you to worry about, General. It's my concern.”
For World War victory, they'd have no choice but to accept it for now, even if grudgingly.
They'd complain loudly once peace loomed on the horizon, of course.
But Hans planned to sideline the Junkers after the war anyway, so their backlash would just give him another pretext.
To be precise, stripping their power and curbing their influence.
With Hans's assurance, Piłsudski finally smiled contentedly.
“Glad this Berlin trip wasn't a waste of time.”
“Does that mean you've decided to accept my proposal?”
“Screwing over Russia? No one does it better than us Poles.”
Of course, Piłsudski wouldn't settle for mere promises of independence.
“In exchange for forfeiting German Poland, divide up Russian territory accordingly—and return Lithuania to us.”
“Lithuania...”
Hans pondered Piłsudski's demand.
Considering the unique historical ties between Poland and Lithuania, it was a natural request.
Piłsudski himself was a Polish noble from Lithuania, after all.
“We'll consider the former positively, but for Lithuania, shouldn't we ask the locals first?”
“Ah, fair point.”
“So let's settle it with a plebiscite later.”
Piłsudski readily agreed, assuming Lithuanians would want reunification with Poland.
Though newly awakened Lithuanian nationalists might prefer full independence over a bygone union.
“Deal sealed, then.”
“A fine bargain.”
Piłsudski and Hans locked eyes, grinned, and clasped hands.
Now Piłsudski and the Poles would back Germany against Russia in World War I, bolstered by imperial support.
But as mentioned earlier, this was far from the end.
Hans still had many more people to meet.