Chapter 124
Chapter 124
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Translator: Ace
Chapter: 124
Chapter Title: Young Turks
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After the tank competition ended in a joint victory for Benz and Daimler, the two companies immediately began preparations for mass-producing tanks based on their prototypes.
However, as expected, budget issues grabbed them by the ankles, pushing full-scale production back to 1912.
‘Thanks to that, Bülow and I had quite the spat.’
Moreover, controversy erupted within the military over the tanks themselves.
War Minister Einem insisted that tanks naturally belonged to the cavalry and tried to slot them under cavalry command.
This made sense, given that he hailed from a prestigious cavalry family—his father had held the rank of cavalry commander.
“Chief of Staff Moltke, have you forgotten what we saw at the evaluation? The Daimler tank is clearly a heavy cavalryman like a cuirassier at first glance, while the Benz is a replacement for light cavalry like hussars. Tanks are the cavalry of the new era!”
“What nonsense that would enrage even Mahatma Gandhi. Tanks were made to protect infantry, so they belong to the infantry!”
Of course, Moltke and the other infantry generals weren’t about to sit idly by and let the cavalry snatch the tanks away.
And when the artillery joined in, claiming anything with a gun on it belonged to them by default, it sparked endless debates between infantry, cavalry, and artillery over the tanks.
“Why not just create a new armored branch and expand the officer table of organization?”
“That’s the way!”
In the end, it was the retired Schlieffen, appearing like a wise sage, who put a stop to the infighting.
Of course, in truth, I’d stepped in from behind the scenes because I couldn’t stand watching these grown men bicker like children over tanks.
Regardless of the process, the goal of introducing tanks had been achieved, so I’d call it good for now.
The key part of the tractor project was done; all that remained was to wait patiently.
Besides, I was about to get quite busy myself starting this year.
1908 was the year the ominous clouds of World War I truly began to gather over Europe—and with them, a string of major events.
Just days before the tank competition, on February 1, Portugal’s King Carlos I and Crown Prince Luís Filipe were assassinated by republicans, effectively sounding the death knell for the Portuguese monarchy. Then, on April 22, British Prime Minister Henry Campbell-Bannerman passed away due to deteriorating health.
His successor as prime minister was the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Herbert Henry Asquith.
I didn’t know much about him, but from what I recalled, he was the man who faced World War I in office and drew criticism for his wartime leadership shortcomings, ultimately being ousted from the premiership in 1916.
The new British wartime prime minister who replaced him was David Lloyd George—one of the so-called “Big Four” at the Paris Peace Conference alongside Georges Clemenceau, Woodrow Wilson, and Vittorio Orlando.
David Lloyd George not only led Britain to victory in World War I as wartime prime minister but also left major marks on world history through the Treaty of Versailles, the recognition of Irish independence, and more. A true heavyweight.
Yet in his later years, he showed a friendly attitude toward the Nazi Party and Hitler—even going so far as to advocate making peace with Germany during the invasion of France, earning him scorn from Churchill as “an old man like Pétain.”
‘Somehow, Pétain and the other World War I heroes all turn ugly by the time World War II rolls around.’
That’s why people need to age gracefully.
I’d retire early before ending up like that and spend my days leisurely watching the grandkids play with Luise.
“Minister Schöll, big trouble!”
As I idly daydreamed about that still-distant retirement idyll, a staffer burst into Minister Schöll’s office without even knocking.
He was in such a panic that he could barely catch his breath, his entire body soaked in sweat.
Minister Schöll, who’d been peacefully sipping his coffee, choked and hacked away repeatedly. I set aside the documents I’d been organizing nearby and spoke up instead.
“Calm down first. You’ll pass out at this rate.”
“Huff… huff… S-sorry. It was just so sudden.”
“Cough, cough! Ahem… What on earth has you in such a tizzy?”
As Minister Schöll asked with a faintly annoyed expression, the staffer steadied his breathing and spoke slowly.
“A coup has broken out in the Ottoman… Ottoman Empire.”
“What?!”
“According to the German ambassador to the Ottomans, young officers and Ottoman intellectuals are heavily involved, and it doesn’t look good…”
The Young Turk Revolution.
The young officers of the Committee of Union and Progress—commonly known as the Young Turk Party—had risen up to oust the Red Sultan, Abdul Hamid II.
It was such a famous historical event that it popularized the term “Young Turks” worldwide for radical youth resistance movements. Naturally, I knew all about it—but inwardly, I had my doubts.
As I recalled, the Young Turk Revolution had originally been sparked by the Ottoman Empire’s instability following the Anglo-Russian Entente.
But the Committee itself had been founded back in 1906, and their very goal was to topple the tyrant Abdul Hamid II and reform the empire. When you thought about it that way, the revolution breaking out wasn’t strange at all.
‘Maybe it was triggered by the German-Ottoman alliance instead.’
Cause aside, the outcome hadn’t changed, so neither had what I needed to do.
“Minister, we mustn’t get involved here.”
“Hm? Do you think the young officers’ coup will succeed, Baron?”
I nodded at Minister Schöll’s skeptical tone.
Abdul Hamid II didn’t have the ability to suppress a revolt by the young officers who controlled the military’s core. History had proven as much.
“Fair enough. Given the Ottoman Empire’s current state, it’s not surprising. We’ll contact Ambassador Bieberstein and instruct the military advisory group and German diplomats in the empire to avoid rash actions and maintain strict neutrality.”
I nodded in agreement with Minister Schöll’s words.
Even if the coup faction seized power, there was no need to alter the German Empire’s stance toward the Ottoman Empire.
On the contrary, it was crucial to maintain the “current relations” as they were. If the Ottomans tried to ride our German-Ottoman coattails now to reclaim their lost glory from Russia and the pro-Russian Balkan states during World War I—that would put me in a real bind.
‘Especially since this is the Young Turk Revolution, and all that comes with it.’
More than the revolution itself, it was that “incident” that troubled me.
Mess it up, and the powder keg of the Balkans could spiral out of control.
“It’s all over now, Your Sultan. All that’s left for you is to sign here.”
“You traitors…!”
On July 24, 1908—while enthusiasts chattered about the Tunguska explosion and the London Olympics raged—Ismail Enver entered Constantinople alongside the Committee of Union and Progress leadership, despite Abdul Hamid II’s attempts at suppression. He sneered mockingly at the sultan seated on his throne.
The Red Sultan, once a symbol of terror, couldn’t contain his fury at Enver’s insolence; he bit his lips until blood trickled out. But with the capital Constantinople now in coup hands, there was nothing he could do.
In the end, Abdul Hamid II raised a trembling hand to grasp the pen.
What they demanded now was a proclamation restoring the Ottoman Empire’s first constitution, born in the Tanzimat era—the 1876 constitution he had suspended alongside the dissolution of parliament when he revived absolutism in 1878.
But the so-called “Young Turks” surely didn’t stop there.
They would eventually depose him and make the Ottoman Empire fully theirs.
‘But you’re mistaken if you think everything will go your way. I still have loyalists. They’ll crush you rebels and set everything right!’
Abdul Hamid II inwardly repeated this as he signed the decree, seething with rage.
In truth, even after the Young Turk Party ended his absolute rule, counter-revolutionary attempts by Islamists and absolutist supporters—like the 31 March Incident—continued unabated.
And in April 1909, the conservatives backing Abdul Hamid II actually succeeded in driving the Young Turks from Constantinople and briefly reclaiming power.
But they had only retaken the capital; the provinces and military remained under Young Turk control. In the end, the sultan’s final counterattack ended with his own abdication.
“Hm. There we go.”
Ismail Enver lifted the corner of his mouth in satisfaction as Abdul Hamid II finished signing, still refusing to accept his fate and clinging to vain hopes of revenge.
The era of the tyrant was finally over.
Now, the Ottoman Empire would be led by Ismail Enver and the Committee of Union and Progress, restoring the glory that once made all of Europe tremble.
And it wasn’t just Ismail Enver who harbored such thoughts.
The other Young Turks were equally convinced they would resurrect the empire and make it greater than ever.
“It’s too early to celebrate, brothers.”
As everyone reveled in their victory over the sultan, Ahmed Niyazi Bey—one of the Committee leaders and a driving force behind the Young Turk Revolution—spoke up.
“The revolution isn’t over yet. In fact, it’s only just beginning.”
Since the revolution had been driven by elite officers and intellectuals, they still lacked broad popular support—not to mention the remaining conservative forces like the Islamists loyal to Abdul Hamid II.
Until they won over the masses and swept away those holdouts to fully seize the Ottoman Empire, they couldn’t call the revolution complete.
“By the way, what’s Germany and Britain’s reaction to our revolution?”
“Both recognize the coup for now. But when we hinted at deepening ties beyond the status quo, they hemmed and hawed, dodging outright. They both want to stick to ‘current relations.’”
“Tch. ‘Current relations.’”
Ismail Enver clicked his tongue in dissatisfaction.
As Hans had surmised, the Young Turk Party truly sought support from the German Empire—and Britain—to reclaim territories lost to Russia and the Slavic states of the Balkans under Russian influence, which opposed the German-Ottoman alliance.
Given the many pro-German and pro-British figures within the party, it was only natural.
Yet both Germany and Britain wanted to remain merely friendly with the Ottoman Empire.
Anything more risked rousing Russia—not to mention lighting the fuse in Europe’s powder keg, the Balkans.
Unaware of this, Ismail Enver figured Germany and Britain were just hesitant because the Young Turks’ position was still shaky.
Once they fully consolidated power, Berlin and London would surely come around.
Enver believed this without doubt and left the sultan’s palace with his comrades.
A new era awaited them.
“We have received Austria-Hungary’s proposal.”
Amid the chaos engulfing the Ottoman Empire from the Young Turk Revolution.
Taking advantage of the turmoil, a secretive conference unfolded at Buchlau Castle in Moravia, part of Austria-Hungary.
“And His Majesty Nicholas II has decided to accept your proposal.”
“Oh? Truly?”
“Of course. The Russian Empire will recognize Austria-Hungary’s annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. In exchange, we ask that Austria-Hungary honor its promises.”
Austria-Hungary Foreign Minister Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal lifted the corner of his mouth in satisfaction at the words of Russian Foreign Minister Alexander Petrovich Izvolsky.
The Bosnian Crisis.
The event Hans dreaded even more than the Young Turk Revolution had begun.
And with it, the fuse of World War I was lit.