Chapter 115
Chapter 115
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Translator: Ace
Chapter: 115
Chapter Title: The Social Democratic Party
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“Deputy Bernstein and Mr. Kautsky?”
“Ah, so we finally get to meet the boy who saved the Kaiser!”
When I arrived at the agreed-upon beer hall, Eduard Bernstein greeted me warmly.
And beside him, Karl Kautsky gave a curt nod with a stern expression.
Even their attitudes toward me show the clear differences between them.
It was only natural, given that despite being fellow socialists and leaders of the Social Democratic Party, Bernstein and Kautsky had different personalities and ideologies.
For starters, Bernstein was a unique figure among socialists—he was a Reichstag deputy who criticized core Marxist tenets like class struggle and the rejection of capitalism, advocating instead for peaceful social reform through expanded suffrage.
His ideas would later evolve into social democracy, becoming the mainstream view within the SPD even now. But because of this, he faced fierce criticism from colleagues like Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg, who accused him of abandoning proletarian revolution and labeled him a revisionist.
In truth, Bernstein really was a revisionist, so it wasn't wrong.
He himself didn't deny it and even embraced it positively.
And Kautsky, who had criticized Bernstein, was the foremost Marxist authority of the era, dubbed the “Pope of Marxism.”
However, being pragmatic, Kautsky condemned Bernstein but never broke with him, and as you can see, he was still in the SPD.
Plus, surprisingly, he was hostile toward Lenin and the Bolsheviks.
So when the Russian Revolution broke out, Kautsky sharply criticized the Bolsheviks' revolution as illegal.
Of course, Lenin called Kautsky a renegade of the revolution in return, so it was a case of the pot calling the kettle black.
In those circles, anyone who disagreed with you was the enemy.
Still, Kautsky's level is tame by comparison.
If Bernstein represented the right wing and Kautsky the centrists within the party, the left wing was embodied by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, key figures in the future founding of the German Communist Party.
Unlike Kautsky, with whom you could at least talk, they were uncompromising revolutionaries who had devoted everything to the cause.
“First off, congratulations on your appointment as deputy minister.”
“Thank you, Deputy.”
“I've wanted to meet you for a while now, Baron, but it seems you've been keeping your distance from us.”
“Hahaha, you have to understand—given where I live and work.”
“Of course. It's obvious that associating with people like 'us' would put you in a difficult spot in many ways.”
Bernstein gave an awkward smile as he said this.
He was right; I had indeed kept my distance from the SPD all this time.
Even if they were drifting from orthodox Marxism, the SPD was still undeniably a bunch of “reds.”
Getting too close would tarnish my reputation, and the Junkers would seize the chance to tear me apart.
“But now I figured it was fine to meet. Even as a socialist, as a Reichstag deputy, meeting the foreign minister's deputy on 'official business' can't be held against me.”
“That's true, but...”
“No need to overthink it. This is just a friendly get-together to build rapport with you, Baron.”
If anything, that's even scarier.
A straight-up deal would be less nerve-wracking.
“Kautsky.”
Reading my sour expression, Bernstein nudged the silent Kautsky with his elbow.
Kautsky sighed and finally opened his tightly shut mouth.
“Just as he says—no intention of dragging you into the SPD, so don't worry. Our party may be revolutionary, but we don't actually do any 'revolutions.'”
Indeed, under Bernstein's influence, the SPD aimed to achieve socialism through elections, not armed revolution.
“Yes, I know. I'm not completely ignorant of your side. Personally, I think Deputy Bernstein's views are at least on the right track directionally.”
“Ah! Just as Vice Chancellor Posadowsky told me. See, Kautsky? I told you the baron would be reasonable.”
Bernstein's eyes lit up at my words, while Kautsky grumbled softly, clearly displeased.
Speaking of Vice Chancellor Posadowsky.
I could see why Bernstein was so friendly toward me.
He wasn't a socialist, but his efforts for workers' rights had earned him respect from the SPD despite being a noble—and I agreed with his views.
Posadowsky must have sung my praises to Bernstein.
“I also believe, like the vice chancellor, that we need to improve working conditions. They're people, not consumables.”
“Well said.”
Of course, the German Empire already treated workers better than most other countries.
Even Wilhelm II had been called the “workers' emperor” early in his reign.
“That said, I don't support revolution. Suppose, as Marxists claim, the proletarian revolution succeeds. What would the world look like then?”
“All wealth would be equally distributed, and true equality would come for everyone, no?”
Kautsky answered confidently to my question.
My response was this:
“Sure, people would be equal. But some would be more equal than others.”
“!”
Kautsky's eyes widened at my words.
Caught off guard by the unexpected reply, he seemed about to lunge at me to argue, but Bernstein intervened first.
“So even if the revolution succeeds, you're saying a dictator like Napoleon would emerge?”
“Just my personal opinion, but the 'dictatorship of the proletariat' Marxists advocate is essentially no different from oligarchic dictatorship. And once they seize power, would those in charge really relinquish it voluntarily?”
“Hmm...”
That's why I personally admire George Washington, America's founding father.
No matter the reason, he could have become king but chose to step down instead.
That's no easy feat—it's far harder than it sounds.
History shows most revolutionaries cling to power and devolve into dictators.
“That's why I say Deputy Bernstein's revisionism is better. Focusing on improving workers' rights through social institutions rather than violent revolution is far more practical.”
I thought they should abandon class struggle and socialist economic policies like planned economies, evolving into progressive parties like the future SPD or Britain's Labour Party—but that was still too much for now.
Besides, bringing it up would spark an all-day debate with Kautsky.
Even facing off against the SPD's top Marxist theorist, the “Pope of Marxism,” would be too much.
Bernstein would probably balk too, saying, “That's a bit...”
But the SPD and social democracy would eventually shift in the direction I envisioned anyway.
Though it wasn't until the 1959 Godesberg Program that they fully abandoned Marxism.
But accelerating that timeline would benefit the German Empire in many ways.
“I'm glad we met, Baron.”
Bernstein spoke while I was lost in thought.
“As I said, we're not asking you to join our cause. We just hope for more people like the vice chancellor who work for workers' rights.”
I nodded to Bernstein.
It was necessary to maintain at least friendly ties with the SPD, if not outright friendship.
After all, in 1912, they would become the largest party in the Reichstag.
My real concern wasn't Bernstein or Kautsky, but radicals like Rosa Luxemburg, who was likely leading the Polish Social Democrats right now.
They sought the empire's collapse and a communist state's rise.
But I wouldn't let that happen.
And to prevent it, I needed to gradually drain the red out of the SPD.
Divide and conquer wasn't a tactic just for colonies.
“Alright, everyone, focus.”
After meeting with Bernstein and Kautsky,
I had grown accustomed to my role as deputy minister and attended the Foreign Office meeting as usual, listening intently to Foreign Minister Chürschky's voice.
“As you all know, to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Olympics, an interim Olympics will be held in Athens this April.”
The cabinet, including me, nodded at the minister's words.
The interim Olympics weren't entirely unrelated to me.
As promised to Crown Prince Constantine at Crown Prince Wilhelm's wedding, DRR would provide the first-ever radio broadcast of the Olympics.
“Naturally, Germany will participate. The last one was frankly a Yankee party, but with the IOC sharpening its knives to make this interim event a success, it shouldn't be the mess the previous one was.”
As Foreign Minister Chürschky said, the Athens interim Olympics weren't an officially sanctioned IOC event, but the IOC was pouring everything into it.
After the 1896 Athens Games, the 1900 Paris and 1904 St. Louis Olympics had been disastrous failures, threatening the Olympics' very survival.
Paris 1900 was treated as a sideshow to the World's Fair held the same year—such a trainwreck that athletes barely knew they were in the Olympics.
And St. Louis 1904, held in the U.S., made Paris look tame by comparison.
Despite IOC President Coubertin's opposition, it became a sideshow to the St. Louis World's Fair.
There was no opening or closing ceremony, facilities were inadequate so athletes competed in street alleys, and organization was slipshod.
To make matters worse, the Russo-Japanese War created a tense atmosphere, and being in distant America, few Europeans could even attend—leaving the venues filled with Americans and Canadians.
It was less Olympics and more North American national games.
Ultimately, the 1904 Games peaked in infamy with the Anthropology Days—a notorious racial exhibition hosted by the U.S. to save the Olympics—cementing St. Louis as worse than Paris.
This pushed the IOC to treat the unofficial interim Olympics with official-level effort to rescue the movement from the brink.
As a result, the 1906 Athens interim Olympics were a huge success, becoming the savior of the Games and pointing the way forward—an important milestone in Olympic history.
The 1908 London Olympics' success two years later would fully establish them.
Actually, the 1908 host was originally Rome, but after Vesuvius erupted on April 7 this year, devastating Naples, it shifted to Britain.
Vesuvius hasn't erupted yet, but it probably won't change.
Last month, despite saving face via the Anglo-German negotiations, economic woes caused the Conservative-Liberal Unionist coalition to collapse. The Conservatives were crushed in the election, and Arthur Balfour stepped down as prime minister, just as in original history.
His replacement, Liberal Henry Campbell-Bannerman, declared a German-British Exhibition in 1908 to celebrate the negotiations and solidify ties—essentially the original Franco-British Exhibition with France swapped for Germany.
Since London 1908 was planned alongside that exhibition to boost British prestige, Britain was highly likely to host instead of Italy.
“Anyway, to get to the point: Chancellor von Bülow plans to send a special envoy to Athens for this Olympics to strengthen ties with Greece. The Greek royals are relatives of our imperial family, after all.”
“So, who do you plan to send to Athens?”
“You.”
“Pardon?”
I blinked at Foreign Minister Chürschky's unexpected words.
“Crown Prince Constantine and Crown Princess Sophie hope you'll come. Go enjoy the Olympics while you're at it.”
“Understood.”
A bit surprised, but with no reason to refuse, I nodded readily.
Greece. Being in the Balkans—the powder keg of Europe—maintaining some friendly ties was wise.
The more allies, the better.