Chapter 76
Chapter 76
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 76
Chapter Title: What Are We Fighting For (6)
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January 15, 1940
Budapest, the capital of Hungary
At Regent Horthy’s invitation, we took our seats and faced each other.
Miklós Horthy was born the son of a Hungarian politician during the Austro-Hungarian Empire and made his name as a brilliant admiral in the Imperial Navy during World War I.
However, with the defeat in the last war and the separation from Austria, Hungary became a landlocked country, and a communist regime influenced by the Soviet Union took power.
Horthy, a conservative anti-communist from a noble family, staged a coup with conservative royalists. With Romania's help, he drove out the communists, restored the Kingdom of Hungary, and installed himself as Regent.
Ironically, when Charles I of Habsburg later returned and attempted to reclaim the Hungarian throne with the help of the royalists, Horthy used the army to block him and exiled the king.
Officially, the reason given was that it would do no good for Hungary, already militarily neutered by the Treaty of Trianon, to enthrone a king considered a war criminal by the victorious powers. But who could know his true intentions?
So here he was: the admiral of a landlocked country, the regent of a kingdom without a king.
A man of power who had launched a civil war alongside royalists, only to later clash with them over a king branded a war criminal.
In a way, facing a man whose path seemed both similar and different to my own gave me a strange feeling.
“Thank you for taking time out of your busy schedule to accept this unofficial invitation.”
The man who spoke, Horthy, was a dignified, middle-aged man who wore a solemn expression well.
The man standing behind him was young and handsome, but I could guess their relationship at a glance.
The resemblance was too striking. He was just a younger, more handsome Horthy.
The young, handsome Horthy met my eyes and smiled faintly.
“I am István Horthy, and I have the honor of assisting His Excellency, the Regent.”
For some reason, however, István’s eyes held a strange hint of goodwill toward me, which I found puzzling.
Why? Was there some connection between us?
“He is my eldest son.”
“I see. He must be a great source of support for you.”
At my casual remark, the Regent smiled with surprising warmth. Was the dictator of Hungary more of a family man than I had thought?
“Haha. Well, since this is an unofficial meeting, let us get straight to the point.”
“Of course, Your Excellency.”
Horthy smiled faintly and opened his mouth.
“Is Germany willing to hand Slovakia over to us?”
So it was this, after all.
Slovakia had been Hungarian territory for a very long time.
Although their ethnic compositions were different and relations with the Hungarian people were not particularly good, it had been part of Hungary for nearly a thousand years.
“Unfortunately, that is not something Germany can decide unilaterally. We intend to grant Czechoslovakia its independence.”
The Sudetenland was one thing—it was predominantly German, and its annexation was the result of the Munich Agreement, which, however absurd a pact, was officially recognized. But if we held on to the Czech Republic and Slovakia, we would only be giving Britain and France an excuse to intervene.
What kind of criticism would we face if we just sold them off? However, upon hearing my answer, Horthy’s brow furrowed slightly.
“Are you serious? This is an unofficial meeting. Of course, since we are not allies, I cannot demand you speak frankly, but there is no need to be evasive.”
“I am serious, Your Excellency. The independence of Czechoslovakia is the official policy of the Fourth Reich’s government.”
Horthy tapped his fingers on the arm of his chair—tap-tap-tap—before speaking again.
“I cannot understand it. If I were Germany, I would find any excuse to hold on to it.”
That was understandable. The Czech lands were a very wealthy region with a developed heavy industry. Disregarding diplomacy and considering only national power, holding on to it was the logical choice.
But in the original history, Germany had thought the same way, holding onto occupied territories larger than the homeland itself. With an already strained workforce, they ended up conscripting even skilled factory workers into the army or for security duties, which only weakened them further.
Forcing the Czechs to work in the munitions industry for Germany, despite their resistance, would hardly be efficient. And unless we were to resort to Nazi-like tactics of making an example of them to boost that efficiency, it's questionable whether there's as much value in it as one might think.
Of course, our choice was based more on ideological principles and diplomatic reputation than on domestic gain.
“In that case, how about liberating the Czech Republic and Slovakia separately? We will take care of occupying Slovakia ourselves.”
He was suggesting we devour a newly liberated territory, just as Hungary had with Carpathian Ruthenia during the Munich Agreement. It was a strange feeling.
Was this what they called the great powers carving up a smaller nation? Though Hungary was a bit too small to be called a great power.
“If we did that, Germany’s reputation would be in tatters, or we would be accused of colluding with Hungary.”
“But in return, you could avoid being forced into a three-front war, should we decide to join the conflict, no?”
As the conversation reached this point, Horthy began to show his true colors.
I glanced at Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs Erich Kordt, who sighed softly before speaking.
“It is the judgment of the German Foreign Ministry that Hungary is not in a position to declare war on us, given the current situation.”
Horthy laughed, amused.
“And why do you think that?”
“Your country’s abrogation of the Treaty of Trianon was not merely a declaration of rearmament, but a declaration of intent to reclaim lost territories. The neighboring countries will not overlook this.”
The Treaty of Trianon had arbitrarily carved up the territory of Hungary, a defeated nation in World War I, and distributed it among its neighbors.
Slovakia was currently in our hands, but Transylvania and the eastern territories—which held the same significance for Hungary as Danzig did for Germany—were held by Romania, and a small part of the southern territories was held by Yugoslavia.
At the time of the abrogation, great powers (or those that appeared to be) like France, Italy, and Poland had approved it, so countries like Romania and Yugoslavia couldn't dare object. But now, with Italy suffering a crushing defeat at our hands and Poland not faring as well as expected, the story was different.
Hearing Erich Kordt’s words, a slight smile played on Horthy’s lips.
“Well, one could think that. But Yugoslavia is a country that cannot even manage its own internal unity. Its politicians are busy selling resources to you for profit, while its military despises you, does it not? It is a nation of mixed ethnicities, liable to explode at any moment.”
The old, experienced Regent seemed completely unshaken.
“And as for Romania… where do you think Poland got the weapons and oil needed to operate so many divisions? Surely you did not think we entered this game without an ace up our sleeve?”
Horthy smiled confidently.
Was this a bluff, or was it the truth? I looked at Erich Kordt, but he shook his head.
There were no official treaties that our Foreign Ministry was aware of, but if there was a secret pact between them, we would have no way of knowing what deals had been made.
I didn't know what Poland had promised Romania in exchange for its support in their fight against us, but modern nations don't trade in land alone, so I couldn't jump to conclusions.
If nothing else, Poland had certainly staked its national destiny on this war, so it was highly likely that Horthy’s words were not an empty bluff.
In that case, perhaps it was time for a little bluff of my own.
“The Italian army is already crippled. It will take them at least a month, and more likely two or three, before they can fight us in earnest again.”
Horthy did not respond to my words. As one of the more competent leaders among the Axis powers of the original history, he was surely capable of making that assessment.
“Poland, which launched its offensive at our most vulnerable moment, certainly dealt us a blow, but they failed to achieve a decisive victory.”
The south of East Prussia had been occupied, but we had defended Königsberg, its key port and heart. Silesia, too, had only been pushed back in a very small area.
“I do not know what grand support Poland has received from Romania, but I believe their offensive capacity will be exhausted within three months at the longest. Am I wrong? Ah, of course, that is assuming the Soviet Union does not get any funny ideas before then.”
“Hmm…”
As Horthy remained silent, I added another point.
“I do not know what you have discussed with Yugoslavia or Romania, but I wonder if it is wise to trust a secret pact when even formal treaties are being broken. Had Italy and Poland been intact, it might have been different. But forgive me for saying so, I do not believe they have the capacity to help Hungary if it finds itself betrayed.”
The treaties created by the Allied Powers after the last war to maintain peace, epitomized by the Treaty of Versailles, had long since been rendered all but void.
Wasn't the Munich Agreement itself a symbol that shattered the illusion of so-called ‘treaties’ in this era? The pact that Chamberlain had hailed as ‘peace for our time’ was thoroughly betrayed by the annexation of the rest of Czechoslovakia.
Unless it was a secret agreement like the one between Britain and us, where the mutual benefits were so clear that there was no reason to break it, it was foolish to place absolute trust in agreements between nations in times like these.
“Nevertheless, if you choose to trust Poland and Italy and declare war, Germany can do nothing to stop you. But then, we would have to fly to Romania to negotiate.”
As if what we could promise would be any less than Poland's offer.
With that thought, I stared intently at Horthy.
Horthy was silent for a moment, then exchanged a glance with his son standing behind him before turning back to me.
“I thought you were a pacifist, Vice-Chancellor.”
“Let us say I am more of a proponent of diplomacy than a pacifist. I could buy peace with Hungary by selling off Slovakia, but in my judgment, the resulting damage to Germany’s diplomatic standing would be far greater.”
We were already walking on eggshells with Britain and France, who were watching for any sign of pressure on the Czechs. Selling off Slovakia now?
Putting aside the fact that, by my personal moral standards, it would be an act akin to America acquiescing to Japan’s annexation of Korea—
At a time when we should be trying to gain something quickly and liberate the Czechs to remove any pretext for intervention, it could tarnish the one advantage we had over Nazi Germany: our diplomacy.
Of course, I was bluffing like this only because I truly believed Hungary was not in a position to act rashly.
“Hmm, why not reconsider? It is not as if you are going to liberate the Sudetenland, are you?”
“That is not a matter for Hungary to consider, but…”
It was true that we couldn't liberate the Sudetenland while nationalism still swept across Germany. Doing so would instantly halve the soaring approval ratings of the Fourth Reich's war cabinet.
“No, it is a matter to consider. Even if Germany liberates the Czechs, they will not be grateful. Instead, they will want the Sudetenland back. They will covet the territories we have taken as well. In the end, they will be a constant headache for both Germany and us.”
I had no response to that. Honestly, it was a problem I had anticipated myself.
If we granted them independence without the Sudetenland, would the Czechs truly be grateful?
“Rather than that, wouldn't it be better to liberate only the Czech region for appearance’s sake, to keep them from getting any ideas, while we reclaim Slovakia and become Germany’s ally?”
Horthy's argument was quite persuasive, as expected of a leader who had expertly navigated the space between the Axis powers to acquire territory.
Honestly, at this point, it was becoming difficult for me to refuse outright based on my own judgment alone…
“If you dislike that, there is another way.”
Seeing my hesitation, Horthy spoke again.
“On the condition that you help us reclaim our former homeland from Romania after the war, we will gladly support Germany with all our strength as an ally.”
“Are you not asking us to apply diplomatic pressure on another country that is minding its own business, or, should they refuse, to support a war of aggression?”
“That is correct.”
Horthy replied with a natural smile, as if there was no need to hide it. At this point, I was becoming genuinely curious.
All these countless dictators of this era… why on earth did they start wars?
What were they fighting for?
“It has not even been twenty years since we lost so much in the last war. And yet, to start another war, to send young men to their deaths, what is left to gain from acquiring territory?”
Horthy glanced at his son standing behind him, then looked at me for a moment before speaking.
“What remains is my name, for future generations to be proud of. And the fatherland, for them to live in.”
After saying this, Horthy studied my expression intently. Then, he turned the question back on me.
“I have answered your question, so now I wish to ask one of my own. Must a people whose rights have been unjustly stolen from them remain victims forever?”
The leader of a nation seething with nationalism, a nation that had lost so much alongside Germany in the last war, was looking straight at me.
“Your own fatherland is under attack, and blood is being shed even as we speak. Is a politician who preaches morality in a situation like this truly moral?”