Chapter 71
Chapter 71
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 71
Chapter Title: What Are We Fighting For (1)
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Roughly two weeks after Nazi Germany's declaration of surrender.
Nazi Germany's administration had been so chaotically mismanaged it bordered on insanity, and we were swamped with a dizzying workload as a result.
Ludwig Beck and General Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb, who were already senior military figures and had made significant contributions in the civil war, were promoted to Field Marshal. Other key military participants were also promoted en masse.
For my contributions during the civil war, I was awarded the Pour le Mérite by the Emperor and promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. Though I wondered what meaning a military rank held at this point...
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December 18, 1939
Berlin, Northern Germany, Reichswehr High Command
On the Italian front, Army Group South, under the command of Field Marshal Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb, was driving back the Italians with unstoppable momentum. They had already occupied South Tyrol and were advancing into the Veneto province of northern Italy.
Finland, for its part, was somehow managing to crush the Soviet forces in every battle. The United States and Great Britain, praising Finland's valiant efforts, decided to offer their support.
The Soviet Union and Stalin had become a laughingstock to almost the entire world. Commander-in-Chief Voroshilov had been dismissed, and Timoshenko was reportedly appointed as his successor.
...So far, so good.
“...How many divisions, did you say?”
“The estimate is at least forty divisions.”
I couldn't hide my bewilderment at the report from Major General Oster, Deputy Director of the Abwehr.
At least forty Polish divisions deployed along the German-Polish border. And when they say at least forty, it means there are more, doesn't it?
Our own army, currently storming through Italy, numbers just under forty divisions. We have fourteen divisions remaining in Germany, and another five are in the process of being reorganized after the disbandment of the Nazi forces.
“Is... that even possible?”
Even if they managed to scrape together the numbers by equipping them with outdated gear, if this is true, it means they've conscripted every last soldier in Poland.
Are they not guarding their other borders? Relations with Romania and Hungary might be stable, but they can't possibly leave the Soviet border undefended, can they?
“According to our agents' reports, it's true.”
As he spoke, Oster spread photos procured by his agents across the desk. They showed massive Polish troop concentrations, tanks, and even forward-deployed air forces stationed near the border.
It was a total war footing, plain and simple.
Poland hadn't accepted a non-aggression pact, nor had they demobilized, so I'd asked the Abwehr to investigate.
What in the world is this?
“It's a foregone conclusion, then. The Poles intend to strike us.”
The one who spoke was Manstein.
No, even if the Poles are crazy, they're going to attack us *now*?
“If that's the case, why did they stand by and watch during our civil war?”
Manstein shrugged.
“That, I do not know, Mr. Vice-Chancellor. Such matters are for men of your insight to judge, are they not? Haha.”
Ah, this man... He really can't read the room, can he?
A few possibilities came to mind.
Either our civil war ended too quickly, before they could finish organizing their divisions, or they grew complacent after seeing the Soviets struggle in Finland.
The first possibility was quite high. A conventional war against the Nazis could have dragged on for not just three months, but half a year, or even years.
But the latter was questionable. Just because the Soviets were getting trounced by Finland, they'd leave their own border with them wide open?
“I can't understand it....”
“The problem is how we respond, Mr. Vice-Chancellor.”
Manstein was right.
With Field Marshal Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and commander of Army Group South, having taken most of our forces down to Italy, we have no way to stop a Polish invasion of that magnitude.
The Polish army isn't a pushover like the Italians, and crucially, the German-Polish border is far too long. Even if we deployed every division currently in Germany, it would be impossible to cover the entire frontier.
Regardless of whether the Polish army is stronger or weaker than ours, we need enough troops to at least try to stop them from coming in.
“How many divisions would we need to cover the entire Polish border and launch a counterattack?”
“Hmm. Sixty divisions would be comfortable.”
...What? We don't even have sixty divisions in total right now. What is he talking about? Are we supposed to abandon the Italian front, where we've already pushed into Veneto?
My expression must have been too obvious, as Manstein cleared his throat and spoke again.
“I must request that you consider a general mobilization.”
A general mobilization? Right after ending a civil war, when we need to start rebuilding the economy?
A military man doesn't need to consider politics, but the situation was so bleak I couldn't help but sigh.
“...That's not something I can promise, but I will raise the request with the cabinet.”
“If the Abwehr agents' reports are correct, they are already showing signs of an imminent invasion. We must hurry.”
This is insane. Should I have monitored Poland more closely during the civil war? But this whole situation is beyond anything I could have anticipated.
No matter how reckless the Poles are, would they really leave the Soviet border undefended to attack us? An alliance with Italy wouldn't help them fend off the Soviets, so what is this all about?
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December 19, 1939
Berlin, Northern Germany, Reichstag Building
The question that had troubled me yesterday was answered all too simply the next day. In the worst possible way for us.
[Polish-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact Signed!]
[An Unbelievable Treaty is Forged]
A massive photograph of Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov and Polish Prime Minister Składkowski shaking hands with smiles on their faces was plastered across the front page of the newspaper.
“...What is the meaning of this?”
The expression on the face of my father, Chancellor Hjalmar Schacht, was grim, as was everyone else's in the war cabinet.
This was, I had to admit, a failure on my part and that of the Foreign Ministry.
The problem was that, in our eagerness to improve Germany's diplomatic reputation and entice back the talent that had fled the dictatorship, we had provoked the Soviets too much.
Stalin was undoubtedly itching to get back at us for the major humiliation we'd dealt him over Finland.
So much so that he was willing to push Poland to attack us immediately, guaranteeing their security from the rear.
“My apologies. I never imagined Poland would reach a point where it would sign a treaty with the Soviet Union.”
In hindsight, if a German-Soviet pact was possible, there was no reason a Soviet-Polish one wasn't. It was the same principle: mortal enemies calling a temporary truce for the sake of mutual interest.
After all, Poland had rejected an alliance with Britain, France, and the Soviet Union because they took issue with allowing Soviet troops on their soil. A simple non-aggression pact wouldn't have that problem.
And Stalin, already struggling in the Winter War, wouldn't want Poland taking a jab at him.
“Indeed. I warned you against this kind of performative diplomacy...”
I had no excuse to offer Ludwig Beck, who spoke with a deep frown.
Damn it. Supporting Finland was fine, but they fought too well and drew far too much of the Soviets' attention.
“Ahem, the Foreign Ministry also bears responsibility for strongly agreeing with the Vice-Chancellor's idea. As for this matter, we will begin formulating countermeasures at once...”
Just as Foreign Minister Weizsäcker was about to speak, a knock sounded, the conference room door opened, and Vice Foreign Minister Erich Kordt entered.
“News just came in. Hungary has declared the Treaty of Trianon null and void.”
The Treaty of Trianon was the pact that, after their defeat in World War I, forced Hungary to cede a significant portion of its territory to other nations and severely restricted its military.
“They nullified it?”
But why now? What gives Hungary, which has been quiet until now, the confidence to do this? Has Regent Horthy gone mad?
“Poland has approved it, and....”
Poland and Hungary are often called brother nations, so that's understandable. But the major powers are what matter.
“...France and Italy have approved it. Their reasoning is that since the 'main war criminals,' Germany and Austria, unilaterally nullified the Treaty of Versailles, it would be unreasonable to force Hungary alone to abide by an unequal treaty...”
A dry laugh escaped me. With that logic, we couldn't object, could we? It was true, after all, that we weren't enforcing the Treaty of Versailles that Hitler had already torn up.
To think that humiliating France in our diplomatic standoff would come back to bite us like this. We had no other choice at the time, but Daladier's successor, Paul Reynaud, was known for his hardline stance against Germany.
This also prevents Britain from intervening. There's nothing they can do against a landlocked country like Hungary without losing face.
Frankly, even if that weren't the case, I wouldn't expect Halifax, of all people, to take a strong stance. He's no Churchill.
“Immediately after nullifying the Treaty of Trianon, Hungary issued a large-scale mobilization order and declared its intention to rearm.”
This means we're effectively isolated, doesn't it?
“...It would be overly optimistic to assume Hungary won't join them at this point.”
Hungary has always been a pro-fascist nation, the very country that first proposed the idea of an Axis. And as it happens, we currently control Slovakia, which they consider their former territory.
We had ousted Jozef Tiso, whom the Nazis had installed as the head of the puppet state, and secured the region to use as a bargaining chip for the liberation of the Czechs....
So those damned French, even if they won't get their own hands dirty, are content to sit back and enjoy the sight of Germany bleeding.
My father, Hjalmar Schacht, scowled in irritation before speaking.
“Issue the order for general mobilization.”
-
December 20, 1939
East Prussia, German Exclave – 3rd Army Garrison
Georg von Küchler, commander of the 3rd Army stationed in East Prussia, had delivered speeches reaffirming his loyalty to the Führer at the beginning of the civil war, urging his soldiers to obey the Nazis. But it all came to nothing when the navy refused to provide transport.
Having spent three months effectively abandoned while the regime was overthrown back home, they had grown quite bored, and their discipline had become lax.
The high command in Germany had ordered them to guard the Polish border, but...
It was only natural. They had already wasted months stationed in East Prussia, hailed as the elite vanguard for a potential war with Poland that had been debated since the Nazi era.
In the dim light of early dawn, the 3rd Army was sound asleep.
“Haaah, I'm sleepy.”
Lieutenant General Walter Petzel, commander of the 3rd Army's I Army Corps, let out a long yawn and took a sip of water.
His corps included the Panzer Division Kempf, a key asset of the 3rd Army, but what was the point of being a key asset when there was nothing to do?
But then, a familiar sound reached the lieutenant general's ears.
It didn't take long for him to realize it was the sound of artillery.
“What's this? At this hour?”
He opened the door to his barracks and immediately heard the roar of incoming shells, a sound he hadn't heard since the Great War.
His long-relaxed nerves tightened as the instincts of the battlefield flooded back, and he shouted in alarm.
“Wake up, wake up! We're under attack!”
“W-what?!”
As the soldiers struggled to open their eyes, wondering what the general's shouting was about so early in the morning, artillery shells began to rain down on their garrison.
The defenseless, sleeping soldiers suffered immense casualties from the barrage, and the same scene was unfolding in Silesia.
The surprise attack, launched at dawn, was reminiscent of the start of the war between Germany and Poland in the original history.
The only difference was that the roles of attacker and defender were reversed.