Chapter 59
Chapter 59
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 59
Chapter Title: Eve of the Decisive Battle (3)
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November 7, 1939
Kassel, 9th Military District, Central Germany, New Government Building in Frankfurt
The British general election was over. The result was, as expected, a victory for the Conservative Party. Clement Attlee's Labour Party had made some gains, but the Conservative Party's traditional stronghold in Britain remained unshaken.
Chamberlain, who in the original history resigned amidst criticism for being dragged along by Hitler and plunging Britain into a world war, had in this timeline safely completed his term and retired from politics.
Viscount Halifax succeeded Chamberlain as Prime Minister, and his former post as Foreign Secretary was filled by the former Permanent Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Alexander Cadogan.
Halifax, who in the original history had passed the premiership to Churchill using his peerage as an excuse, seemed to have accepted it this time, as Britain and the Conservative Party were far more stable than in the original timeline.
With no general election to worry about for the time being, Britain would now move beyond its passive, wait-and-see approach.
I was attending a meeting in the government building. It was unofficial, but it was at the request of the Finnish government.
“Finland? What's the point in helping such a minor nation? We barely have enough to focus on our own war.”
Ludwig Beck, the Minister of Defense, seemed unenthusiastic. As Minister of Defense, it was understandable that he would be reluctant to provide weapons to another country in the middle of a war, even if they were surplus.
The military still held the Soviet Army in high regard, thanks to the advanced tanks and doctrines they had displayed in the Spanish Civil War. They probably thought Finland would be steamrolled in an instant, whether we helped them or not.
In reality, the Great Purge had wiped out the Soviet Army's superior doctrines and officers, leading them to make a fool of themselves in the Winter War and giving the German army a reason to look down on them.
“I cannot speak to military matters, but even if Finland loses the war, the symbolic meaning of helping them will not be insignificant.”
On the other hand, Weizsäcker, the Foreign Minister, emphasized the importance of the ‘gesture’ of helping.
“Although we have successfully concluded one negotiation with Britain, Germany is still perceived as a perpetrator of the last Great War. Diplomatic reputation is more important than one might think, especially when dealing with democratic nations like Britain, the United States, or France, who are conscious of public opinion.”
Winning the German Civil War wouldn't be the end. On the contrary, that would be the starting point for Germany, as a great power, to begin its war of nerves and diplomacy with other great powers.
Helping Finland would certainly displease the Soviets, but could we ever be on friendly terms with them? Absolutely not.
In the original history, Britain and France declared war despite Poland being recognized as the aggressor against Germany because they could no longer tolerate the expansion of a powerful German state, especially after it had lost even the advantage of being anti-communist.
Ultimately, joining hands with the Soviet Union to keep Poland in check would only mend the rift we had worked so hard to create between Britain and France, and it would undo all the diplomatic achievements the new government had accomplished so far.
Let's say, for the sake of argument, that we join hands with the Soviets and happily divide Poland. That would put us in the exact same situation as Nazi Germany in the original history, a situation we fought a civil war to escape.
Of course, we were sane enough not to launch a preemptive strike against the Soviets, but was there any guarantee that Stalin would leave us alone while we were hostile to Britain and France? Unless we were a communist state ourselves, no one could say for sure.
“In any case, we and those Reds cannot live under the same sky. They are the ones who plot the overthrow of legitimate nations and threaten them with force. I am in favor of providing aid.”
Abwehr Director Canaris, who had advocated for helping Franco against the communists during the Spanish Civil War, once again showed his staunch anti-communist colors.
I looked at my father, Hjalmar Schacht, who remained silent with the same impassive eyes behind his glasses, and asked.
“Chancellor, what are your thoughts?”
His official title was Minister of the Chancellery, but everyone had naturally started calling him Chancellor. I was the only one called Vice-Chancellor.
“The pros and cons are clear. However, I have no desire for a situation where we antagonize the Soviets and it leads to a conflict, however unlikely. Even after we end the civil war, we must settle the war with Italy, and we are busy enough rebuilding the economy that Hitler has ruined.”
Like the economist he was, who would rather cut military spending to focus on economic recovery if possible, my father took a passive stance.
So, to summarize, Canaris and Weizsäcker were in favor, while my father and Beck were against it. The four men's gazes turned to me.
Ah, I'll never get used to this. Still, I have a job to do.
“What about a compromise?”
At a time when we were trying to rejoin the League of Nations after the civil war and bring back the intellectuals and scientists who had left Germany, it was too good an opportunity to simply let this pass.
“A compromise?”
“Yes. We provide aid, but we keep it confidential for now.”
Finland was desperately requesting help because, as a minor nation, they lacked even the basic weapons to equip their soldiers. The whole world already knew the Soviets would invade them; only the declaration of war was pending.
Yet the international community was reluctant to provide aid, using the excuse that war hadn't broken out yet, because they feared they would just be wasting weapons and provoking the Soviets, as a small nation like Finland was unlikely to last long anyway.
“If we announce that we're providing aid while we're in the middle of a civil war, our people are not likely to approve, and as you mentioned, there's nothing to be gained by provoking the Soviets too early.”
Finland was secretly hoping that Germany would take the lead and other countries would follow with aid before the war began, but that was, frankly, just their wishful thinking.
If we provided aid, other free-world nations would certainly consider it to secure public support. But the chances of that aid arriving before the war started, as Finland hoped, were slim.
On the contrary, our own people might resent us for engaging in feel-good diplomacy during a war when there wasn't even an immediate conflict, and I, for one, didn't want to create unnecessary variables during the civil war.
Poland and the Baltic states lay between us and the Soviet Union, but there was always the possibility of ‘what if,’ so it was better to draw their attention as late as possible.
“We will provide the weapons first, but the public announcement of this fact will be made in consultation with Finland after the war begins.”
Ideally, after the Winter War had started, and after we had either ended the German Civil War or had a decisive upper hand.
Ultimately, the justification we would gain would be more than sufficient if we were simply the first to provide aid. Finland would be grateful enough for that alone.
“Hmm, I'm not so sure, Vice-Chancellor Schacht. Even if we provide aid, can a small nation like Finland offer any meaningful resistance against the Soviets? Aren't we just throwing our weapons away?”
Ludwig Beck still looked unconvinced. True, without knowing the original history, it was hard to imagine a minor nation like Finland humiliating the Soviet Union.
“It would be good if Finland puts up a good fight, but it doesn't matter much if they don't. As I reported, given Poland's unsettling situation, earning a reputation for standing with the free world against the communist threat will be a crucial asset should a conflict with Poland arise in the future.”
It was an extremely optimistic and reckless expectation that Britain and France would side with us simply if Poland launched a preemptive attack. Who attacked first was an important variable, but they would intervene if they deemed it necessary, using any pretext they could find.
Therefore, as long as Britain and France's guarantee of independence to Poland remained, in the event of a war with Poland, we had to be the innocent victims in the eyes of the international community.
Whether we actually were or not, at least that's how their voters had to see it.
It might seem that diplomatic reputation and justification are meaningless in the ruthless world of international politics, but that's not the case, at least for democratic nations. No voter wants to take up a gun and die in a war without a just cause.
“Hmm—that sounds like a good idea. I am in favor.”
“If it's to stand against those Reds, then of course I'm in favor.”
As Weizsäcker and Canaris agreed, Beck gave a reluctant nod, and my father said with a slight smirk. Ah, he looks so ill-natured every time he smiles like that.
“Then I'll leave this matter to the Vice-Chancellor and the Foreign Ministry.”
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Finance Minister Väinö Tanner was on the verge of tears, thanking me over and over, and Finnish Foreign Minister Eljas Erkko made a hasty visit to sign a secret treaty between Germany and Finland.
We sent Gewehr rifles and ammunition, obsolete anti-tank rifles that would be useless against Panzer IIIs or IVs but somewhat effective against light tanks, and finally, a small number of Pak 36 anti-tank guns to Finland via the Netherlands.
The Pak 36 was derided as a ‘gentle door-knocker’ for its insufficient penetration against the medium tanks that appeared in World War II, but it possessed enough firepower against the Soviet light tanks, which did not yet include the T-34. It would be a damn sight better than nothing.
The public announcement of our aid would be decided through future consultations, but it was agreed that it would be announced before any other country's.
In the original history, Finland was ignored by a Europe at war with the Nazis and only began to receive aid after the war had started, and even then, it was too little, too late, or merely a token gesture.
I didn't expect Finland to defeat the Soviet Union just because we provided aid. I only hoped that it would help their struggle in some small way, allowing them to secure a ceasefire on better terms.
Come to think of it, if we had the Panzerfaust now, it would have been perfect for Finland, whose military was mostly infantry.
The problem was that I couldn't possibly remember its exact design, and it wasn't likely to just appear if I ordered them to create a man-portable, recoilless anti-tank weapon that used black powder. Still, now that I thought of it, I might as well give it a try.
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November 13, 1939
Berlin, Northern Germany, New Reich Chancellery
Hitler stood before a tense Walther von Brauchitsch, glaring at the operational map before slamming his fist on the desk.
“Nothing is going according to plan. It's nothing but traitors.”
General Blaskowitz's 8th Army in Saxony, one of the three armies comprising Army Group South, had defected to the new government, shattering Hitler's offensive plans.
Colonel General Wilhelm List's 14th Army, which was supposed to strike the new government's flank, was blocked by the defected 8th Army, halting the offensive.
Enraged, Hitler demoted Brauchitsch to the command of Army Group South, a position left vacant by Rundstedt's arrest, and appointed himself Commander-in-Chief of the Army.
“My apologies, my Führer.”
Brauchitsch had gone to great lengths to curry favor with Hitler, even divorcing his perfectly fine wife to marry a staunch Nazi, but now he was sweating profusely before the Führer.
He understood well enough that his fate was now tied to the Nazis, but dealing with the increasingly unstable Führer was an exhausting task.
“General von Brauchitsch. You are on my side, aren't you?”
“O-of course! My Führer!”
Hitler stared at Brauchitsch with icy eyes, then picked up a pen and brought it to the document in front of him.
“Is this man really the best choice?”
“It is true that he recommended that treacherous traitor, Dietrich Schacht, but his loyalty and competence are beyond question. He is the only one who can fill Manstein's shoes.”
Hitler narrowed his eyes at Brauchitsch's words, but then signed the document appointing Walter Model as Chief of Staff of Army Group South and tossed it to Brauchitsch.
“He was one of your connections. Keep him in line.”
“Yes, sir!”
Hitler watched Brauchitsch for a moment, then turned his gaze to Himmler.
“Is the intelligence reliable?”
“Yes, my Führer! The rebels plan to hold a departure ceremony in Frankfurt on the 15th and launch an all-out offensive toward Berlin on the 18th! This is an achievement of the SD (SS Intelligence Service)!”
Himmler, who had been relentlessly berated by the Führer after Paul Hausser's surrender, reported with his shoulders squared for a change.
“A departure ceremony. How arrogant of them, for a bunch of rebels.”
“They are fools.”
Hitler sneered at the new government's actions, which practically announced the start of their offensive, while Himmler was pleased with his new appointment.
The blade of the purge was not pointed solely at the Wehrmacht. Himmler pointed to Reinhard Heydrich, who had long coveted his position, as the one behind the leak of the Gleiwitz radio station attack, also known as ‘Operation Himmler.’
Heydrich claimed his innocence and loyalty to the Führer, but testimonies emerged that he had always been strangely soft on the Abwehr, and he was summarily purged.
Himmler then appointed Walter Schellenberg as the head of the SD, and Schellenberg did not disappoint, succeeding in stealing the rebels' plans.
Hitler looked at Brauchitsch with a cold gaze and said.
“I will trust you one last time, General von Brauchitsch. Do not disappoint me.”
“Of course, my Führer! Now that their plan is exposed, I will crush them completely!”
After hearing Brauchitsch's reply, Hitler grimaced at the persistent headache that plagued him, his bloodshot eyes glaring at Frankfurt on the map.
The city of those insolent rebels who had pushed him, the Führer of the German people and the Reich, onto the defensive, even though he planned to thoroughly crush them now that he had seen through their scheme.
Though they might be pushing him now, they were rebels by nature. A single decisive victory would surely cause them to crumble like a sandcastle.
“The time has finally come to settle the score with those damned traitors.”
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