Chapter 57
Chapter 57
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 57
Chapter Title: The German Civil War - Eve of the Decisive Battle (1)
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October 27, 1939
Kassel, 9th Military District, Central Germany, New Government Building in Frankfurt
It was nearly two months since the start of Operation Widerstand—the civil war. The new government was now fully and smoothly functioning as the new administration of Germany.
After ousting the monarchist military government, we had laid the groundwork for a future democratic government by appointing key figures from various factions of the Weimar Republic to the emergency war cabinet.
First, we appointed Konrad Adenauer, representing the Catholic conservative liberals of the Rhineland, as Minister of Finance to champion the interests of corporations and conservatives.
Then, to represent the rights of workers, we appointed Kurt Schumacher, the leader of the Social Democratic Party, as Minister of Labor, to check and complement Adenauer and the conservatives.
Finally, we appointed editor-in-chief Theodor Heuss, who represented the centrist factions and the free press, as Minister of Propaganda to manage the war of public opinion.
The fact that this war cabinet—comprising a monarchist-leaning military, liberals, and even socialists—could coexist was likely due to our unique circumstance of rising up against the common enemy of the Nazis, and the framework of a constitutional monarchy.
The military situation had also stabilized. The Italian army had nearly broken through the Austrian border guards, but Major General Eglseer's complete defection to our side, coupled with our large-scale deployment of the Free Corps, had successfully held the line.
Meanwhile, Hitler, holding a knife to the military's throat, had ordered an offensive. But then, the ever-wavering Manstein delivered a massive boon by surrendering his entire 8th Army, bringing the Wehrmacht to a dead halt.
At this point, we declared the revival of the German Reichswehr, appointing Colonel General Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and, though somewhat begrudgingly, the capable Erich von Manstein as Chief of the Army General Staff.
“Welcome back from America, Your Highness. You have done well.”
“Ah, it’s been a while. It felt more like home than here, I must say. Hahaha!”
I was greeting Prince Louis Ferdinand Victor Eduard Adalbert Michael Hubertus—a ridiculously long name, as befitting royalty—the Crown Prince.
He was originally the second son, but he became the Crown Prince after Wilhelm II stripped his older brother, Wilhelm, of his succession rights for entering into a morganatic marriage.
“Well, I never thought my experience from the days when I lived freely, not as a crown prince, would be so helpful.”
Before his elder brother’s morganatic marriage, Crown Prince Louis Ferdinand had lived in the United States, during which time he had formed considerable friendships with Henry Ford and the current president, Franklin Roosevelt.
After successfully negotiating with Britain, we had capitalized on this connection, sending the Crown Prince and Foreign Minister Weizsäcker to America to lobby, which yielded significant results.
Due to the Neutrality Act, the United States was, in principle, unable to provide any form of support or sell weapons to a country in a civil war.
So, we structured a deal where the United States would sell oil and trucks, which could be used for civilian purposes, to the Netherlands, and we would then import them from the Netherlands.
The Netherlands, which had been annoyed by the pressure from Britain and France due to the monarchist military government's coup, seemed quite satisfied after we resolved the matter internally and formally apologized.
Consequently, they cooperated with the treaty in exchange for a small tariff benefit. And under the leadership of Roosevelt, who had a strong aversion to Hitler from the start, the United States also recognized our new government as the legitimate government of Germany.
“Still, you have accomplished something truly great, Your Highness.”
“Haha, you give me too much credit.”
We looked at each other and smiled. I still strongly disliked Wilhelm III, but I had grown quite fond of the Crown Prince, Louis Ferdinand.
Having spent time in America, he was free-spirited and proactive in all matters. Though four years my senior, he wasn't authoritarian and possessed a flexible mind.
In any case, partially resolving Germany's chronic problems of supply capacity and oil shortages while establishing a line of cooperation with the United States was a significant achievement.
Especially considering the future prominence of the United States.
“Your Highness’s support was also a great help in passing the recent proposal from the Ministry of Labor regarding female workers.”
“I thought that was far too old-fashioned myself, Vice-Chancellor.”
Germany already had a masculine and militaristic culture, but thanks to Hitler and the Nazi Party's excessive indulgence in machismo, the atmosphere strongly favored the idea that a woman's virtue was to stay at home and raise children.
However, with a significant number of Germany's young men already conscripted for the invasion of Poland and more volunteering for the Free Corps, we were concerned that our industrial productivity might plummet, much like Germany's at the end of the Great War.
Therefore, the first thing the new Minister of Labor, Kurt Schumacher, and I attempted was to bring women into the workforce.
Unsurprisingly, we faced resistance from conservative figures, the military, and even Wilhelm III. But we succeeded in passing the measure with my report on the labor shortage I had investigated in the Ruhr and the support of the Americanized Crown Prince.
In the first place, during the height of World War II, while every other country was using female laborers in their factories, Germany’s use of forced labor—dragging in Jews, concentration camp inmates, and residents of occupied territories—was utter madness.
For now, there were still plenty of skilled workers in the factories. If they handled the more complex tasks while gradually training the new workers, things would improve significantly in the future, even if not immediately.
It was obvious that women making equipment for their husbands and sons would be far more effective than forced laborers who had no motivation, were poorly fed and weak, and were prone to strikes and resistance.
No one knew if a Second World War would break out in this world.
We had at least prevented the Nazis from starting it and dooming Germany as a war criminal nation, but we were already at war with Italy, and the Second Sino-Japanese War was raging in Asia.
Poland's movements were also suspicious, and France was surely grinding its teeth at us. It wouldn't be strange if the situation escalated into a Second World War at any moment. To expect a vague peace in these chaotic times and fail to prepare would be negligent.
As we were talking, a knock sounded, and Claudia entered.
“Your Highness, Vice-Chancellor. I apologize for interrupting, but time is short before your next appointment.”
“Ah, how time flies. Well then, I shall take my leave, Vice-Chancellor. Hmm, will it be difficult for you to attend this evening’s dinner invitation?”
“My apologies, Your Highness. I’m simply too busy.”
That damn Wilhelm III was always inviting me on some pretext or another to foster friendship between me and the royal family. He should spare a thought for the health of my stomach.
“Hahaha, well, I will relay your message. Good day, Vice-Chancellor, Aide.”
The Crown Prince laughed as if he understood and left after receiving our farewells.
“Ah, my apologies. I lose track of time when I talk with the Crown Prince. Unlike the Emperor.”
“Heh. Here you go. You need to read this on the way.”
Claudia chuckled at my words and handed me a speech draft.
The new government was putting considerable effort into the war of public opinion. While Minister of Propaganda Theodor Heuss usually oversaw it, I was typically the one to deliver speeches countering Goebbels, due to my style.
Since becoming Vice-Chancellor of the Chancellery, I had been far too busy, so writing my speeches had become almost entirely her responsibility.
Fortunately, she seemed to understand my thoughts so well that her drafts were almost always to my liking. I only needed to make minor adjustments on the move.
I scanned the speech as I walked, then turned my gaze to her.
“Are you okay, Claudia?”
“Pardon? With what?”
I felt nothing but sorry for her. We were engaged, but I was 28 and she was 26. By the standards of this era, we were by no means young, yet we were so swamped with work that we had no time for things like romance.
And...
“No, I was just wondering if being my aide is enough for you.”
I had to give up immediately due to tremendous opposition, but I had originally wanted to appoint her as Vice-Minister of Propaganda. She and Minister Theodor Heuss had a mentor-mentee-like relationship, after all.
While I had gained fame as a spokesperson through the new government's broadcasts, she had also gained public recognition as a skilled journalist who conducted interviews with a natural and restrained empathy for those who had suffered in the concentration camps. Her abilities were more than sufficient.
But even my appointment as Vice-Chancellor was met with whispers of being too soon—though no one said it to my face because of my track record—and there was even more opposition to her becoming my aide.
I managed to push it through by arguing that it would also serve as publicity for the Ministry of Labor's new policy on female labor participation, with the support of the Crown Prince and Schumacher.
In this Germany, it was still unimaginable for a woman, especially one not yet in her thirties, to hold a high-ranking position. I couldn't shake the regret of wondering what might have been if she had been born in the modern era, or even just ten years later.
It was regrettable in many ways. It wasn't just love talking; she was far too talented an individual to be a mere aide.
Claudia stared at my expression for a moment, then gently pinched my cheek.
“Ack.”
“Focus on your work, Vice-Chancellor. You have to give that speech in thirty minutes.”
“Ugh, my apologies, Aide.”
As I turned my eyes back to the speech, a voice whispered in my ear.
“It’s not like I decided to help you because I wanted to climb the ladder, you know. For now, I’ll be satisfied with being recognized by the man I love.”
Ah, damn it. The entire speech just vanished from my head.
I tried to grab my impertinent aide, who had so masterfully distracted me after telling me to work, for a kiss in the government building hallway, only to get scolded again.
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October 30, 1939
Warsaw, the capital of Poland, Central Poland
The new German government had dispatched Foreign Minister Ernst von Weizsäcker to propose a renewal of the German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact, which had been signed during the interwar period.
Regarding this, Polish President Ignacy Mościcki, Prime Minister Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski, and Minister of Defense Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły were in consultation.
“Has that self-proclaimed new government gained the upper hand in the German civil war?”
At Marshal Rydz-Śmigły’s remark, Prime Minister Składkowski tilted his head.
“Would that devil Hitler fall so easily?”
For all of them, the memory of the politician named Hitler appearing like a comet and sweeping all of Germany into a frenzy was an indelible impression.
The new government's public opinion war against him had become famous worldwide, but without detailed knowledge of the civil war's progress, they couldn't make a hasty judgment.
“So, what do you all think of the new German government’s proposal?”
To President Mościcki’s question, Marshal Rydz-Śmigły gave a simple answer.
“Is there any reason to accept it?”
“Are you thinking of refusing, Your Excellency?”
It was a bit strange for a nation's prime minister to address a marshal as "Your Excellency," but Rydz-Śmigły, who held the position of Inspector General of the Armed Forces, was the de facto ruler of Poland.
Under his rule, dubbed a ‘dictatorship without a dictator,’ both the president and the prime minister of Poland were mere figureheads.
“Those Germans will continue to covet Gdańsk and the Polish Corridor anyway. They're just desperate right now because they're being attacked by Italy. Is there any reason for us to sign a pact when they're busy cutting their own throats in a civil war?”
“But we have another formidable enemy in the Soviet Union. If they win the civil war, a non-aggression pact with them would be beneficial to Poland's future security.”
Rydz-Śmigły scoffed at Prime Minister Składkowski's words.
“We thought the same when we signed the non-aggression pact with Hitler. But now we all know how worthless that pact was, don't we?”
Składkowski fell silent.
Unlike the Weimar Republic, which had been consistently hostile to Poland, Hitler, upon becoming Chancellor, had seemed to pursue a policy of appeasement, ending the economic sanctions that were ruining Poland's economy and signing a non-aggression pact.
But even that Hitler eventually threatened Poland's sovereignty by demanding the return of Danzig and extraterritorial rights for a railway through the Polish Corridor, ultimately shouting, "Danzig or war!"
“A treaty is nothing more than a stopgap measure that can be broken at any time. As long as we hold Gdańsk, permanent peace with them is impossible.”
“Then what do you intend to do?”
At President Mościcki's words, Marshal Rydz-Śmigły’s expression turned thoughtful.
“In the end, military power is everything. If we crush those Germans now while they're weakened by civil war and seize their territory, they won't dare to look down on us again.”
In Marshal Rydz-Śmigły’s judgment, the Polish army, a formidable force, could easily handle the German army, depleted as it was by the civil war.
Although Italy had shown incompetence in the initial stages of its attack, it was still one of the three great powers. It would surely divert enough of Germany’s strength beyond Austria.
“If only it weren't for those Soviets...”
Poland secretly wanted to strike Germany during its civil war to reclaim East Prussia and all of Silesia, which were originally Polish territories. However, the massive buildup of Soviet forces in the west made any rash move risky.
It wasn't that a large number of Soviet troops were being deployed directly on the Polish border, but intelligence reports that some of the forces from the Japanese border in eastern Russia were being moved west were enough to send a chill down Poland's spine.
Half the reason they hadn't intervened in the German civil war was to wait for Germany to weaken further; the other half was to monitor the Soviet Union's movements.
“Finland proposed an anti-Soviet alliance with us and the Baltic states, saying that Soviet troops were being deployed along their border.”
Unlike in the original history, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact had not been signed. So, Stalin, postponing action against Poland—whose independence was guaranteed by Britain and France—had turned his eyes to the easy and tempting prize of Finland.
Finland, startled by the deployment of Soviet troops on its border, wanted to form an alliance with Poland, a traditional enemy of the Soviets and a nation they believed could stand up to them, but—
“How much help could that weakling Finland be? Why should we antagonize the Soviet Union with such a delicious cake right in front of us?”
The greedy Rydz-Śmigły thought it better to target Germany—embroiled in civil war and possessing tempting territories—while Finland was being beaten by the Soviets, rather than joining hands with the weak nation to confront them.
Since Germany was already under attack by Italy, if Poland just occupied East Prussia and Silesia and then requested a ceasefire, they would have no choice but to accept.
Even if things went wrong, Britain and France had guaranteed Poland's independence, and France was also grinding its teeth at Germany. With a bit of luck, they could join hands with France and Italy to gain not just East Prussia and Silesia, but even more territory.
With such an achievement, even the troublesome Sejm would fall silent, and he might become a hero greater than Piłsudski, one who had demonstrated the greatness of Poland.
“I hope those Soviets strike Finland soon. Then we can teach those arrogant Germans a lesson...”
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