Chapter 114
Chapter 114
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 114
Chapter Title: World War II - Waves of Steel (1)
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June 28, 1940
Berlin, Northern Germany – Government Chancellery
As Dietrich Schacht and his aide, Claudia Schacht, stepped out of their car and headed for the Chancellery, a crowd of reporters swarmed them.
"Vice-Chancellor Schacht, a word please!"
"Vice-Chancellor! When does Germany plan to declare war on France and the Soviet Union?"
While his bodyguards naturally held them back, a reporter from the Frankfurter Zeitung posed a question.
"Your speech may have reduced the anti-war protests, but conflicts are now arising between those who still oppose the war and those who condemn them as cowardly traitors. What are your thoughts on this?"
Dietrich Schacht, who had been walking toward the Chancellery, stopped and turned back at the last question to speak.
"The very people who can still oppose the war are essential for establishing democracy in Germany's future. Do not consider those with different opinions to be your enemies. They are neither traitors nor cowards. They are free citizens of Germany with the courage to speak their convictions."
As the reporters scribbled furiously, Dietrich Schacht offered a faint smile to the reporter who asked the question and added.
"Regardless of what I or anyone else in the government says, do not follow blindly. I am proud of this very situation, where my fellow citizens and I are grappling with such issues."
With that, Dietrich Schacht turned away. The reporter who had asked the question stood there dumbfounded, only starting to write after Claudia, a former senior colleague, gave him a slight smile before following the Vice-Chancellor inside.
-
"Participation in the anti-war protests has dropped significantly, and thanks to that, factory operation rates have recovered."
At the words of Minister of Labor Kurt Schumacher, the government officials looked at me as if they were witnessing something extraordinary.
What a strange feeling.
"It's a remarkable effect in such a short time, but there is still opposition, of course."
Minister of Propaganda Theodor Heuss, formerly the editor-in-chief of the Frankfurter Zeitung's Berlin branch, spoke with a complex expression.
He had been a member of parliament who witnessed the fall of the Weimar Republic, instigated by Hitler, and had worked as a free journalist against the Nazis.
A man like him couldn't seem to wholeheartedly welcome the fact that public opinion had shifted so dramatically with a single speech from me.
To be honest, even I, the one who gave it, was half overwhelmed and half worried, so I could only imagine how he felt.
"Well, if the Vice-Chancellor has done this much, shouldn't we do something as well?"
The words themselves were appreciative, but coming from my father with that rotten smile of his, they just made me uneasy...
"Statements of support for the Vice-Chancellor's speech have arrived from U.S. President FDR, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, Finnish President Kyösti Kallio, Polish Commander-in-Chief Władysław Sikorski, and Generalissimo of the Republic of China Chiang Kai-shek."
Foreign Minister von Weizsäcker spoke, and Vice Foreign Minister Erich Kordt, standing beside him, added.
"Unofficially, of course. President FDR has requested that we help Britain, stating that he will seriously push for aid after the presidential election on November 5th. If he wins, it will be his third term. Quite the confidence."
A great sense of relief washed over me. America... American support.
There were still five months to go, so it was a long way off and not yet certain, but there was hope. It felt as if all my diplomatic and political efforts were finally bearing fruit.
"Excellent. International support will be very useful for propaganda, wouldn't you say?"
Receiving my father's gaze, Minister of Propaganda Theodor Heuss nodded.
"Then the Ministry of Propaganda will make the most of the opportunity the Vice-Chancellor has given us."
It's impossible—and shouldn't be possible—for a single individual's speech to win over an entire nation. I've sown the seeds; the rest is up to the Ministry of Propaganda.
No matter what choice is made, it's impossible to satisfy every citizen. As the government, we must proceed with the war while hiding as little of the truth as possible, explaining and persuading along the way.
Ultimately, we will have to go to war with France and the Soviet Union, but we must also carry the voices of the citizens who oppose it. That is a burden a democratic nation must naturally bear.
Nevertheless, if our choices are not understood by the people, then we must take responsibility for them as politicians.
"We will first increase our logistical support to Poland and Finland. Before the Soviet offensive preparations are complete, we'll decisively neutralize Italy and sway public opinion to commit to the war."
Hearing my words, my father nodded.
"Britain must be in a real hurry. If we just join the war, it'll certainly ease our budget concerns."
Britain had a budget secured from Halifax's disarmament policies, but with the fire at their feet, they asked for our help to buy time for rearmament, promising to provide war funds if we joined.
Just like Winston Churchill not to hesitate when it comes to pouring resources into a war. That's good. If only he could avoid his characteristic military blunders.
"There are still no signs from within France of any intent to dispatch troops to Italy."
Abwehr Director Canaris reported.
Whether the rumors of their entry into the war were a ploy to prevent our own, or simply a government blunder, remains unknown. But despite their alliance, France has yet to show any signs of intervening on the Italian front.
Whether it's to avoid provoking us or because of some internal issue between them, I don't know—
But they will pay a heavy price.
"Preparations for Operation Adler (Eagle) are complete. The airbases in the Tyrol region have been expanded, and all units have been deployed to the Italian front. We can begin the moment you give the order."
At the words of Minister of Defense Field Marshal Ludwig Beck, my father spoke with his characteristically unpleasant smile.
"Nothing boosts support for a war like victory. Let's see if France can stand by and do nothing while the Italian army is shattered to pieces."
The anti-war sentiment has been significantly quelled. Now, if we inflict a serious blow on Italy, support for the war within Germany will rise, and France will find itself in a desperate situation.
We have to wait for General Rommel's units to finish their deployment and preparations anyway, so we'll strike Italy first.
If France is forced to show support for Italy, we can immediately declare war on them.
...This is all well and good.
But doesn't it feel like we're the villains, Father?
-
June 28, 1940
Moscow, Capital of the Soviet Union
Stalin did not hide his displeasure, and those seated with him swallowed nervously in the tense atmosphere.
"Our air force... is that inferior?"
"Regrettably, yes, Comrade General Secretary."
Stalin's brow furrowed at the grim report delivered by Georgy Zhukov, Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army.
At the start of the Spanish Civil War and the Winter War, the Soviet Union had not been particularly concerned about its air force.
The I-16, the Soviet Union's first monoplane, had secured air superiority for the Republicans in the early stages of the Spanish Civil War.
Although reports later indicated it was outmatched by the new Bf 109 deployed by the Germans, the Soviets didn't take it seriously, as they were also developing new aircraft.
In the early days of the Winter War, the skies over Finland belonged to the Soviets, and they could deliver their "Molotov bread baskets" as they pleased.
In the initial clashes with Poland, the Polish Air Force, already depleted from its war with Germany, was overwhelmingly outmatched by the Soviet Air Force.
Unlike in the original history, the prolonged Winter War allowed American-sent F2A Buffalos to arrive in Finland, and the Soviet Air Force on the Finnish front began to suffer losses, but Stalin paid it little mind.
However, the situation changed when Germany, having finished its war with Poland, began to seriously supply both nations with military goods.
"I regret to say this, but the German-made Bf 109 fighter is superior to any current Soviet fighter."
The Bf 109, a veteran of the Spanish Civil War, was being churned out like mad from optimized production lines—unlike those of the Nazis—and was being supplied directly to Finland and Poland.
The latent skill of the Polish and Finnish pilots, which had been imperceptible when suppressed by sheer quantity and quality of aircraft, began to reveal its true worth once they were given the Bf 109.
Flown by skilled Polish and Finnish pilots, the Bf 109s overwhelmed not only the obsolete I-16s but also the Yak-1, the new fighter the Soviets had ambitiously developed.
Losing air superiority meant the artillery could no longer shell at will, and once that happened, the Soviet advantage in heavy equipment began to fade.
Even the shortage of heavy equipment in Poland and Finland was gradually being filled by a steady stream of tank destroyers, field guns, and 88mm anti-aircraft guns from Germany.
"Damn it, are those Germans giving away equipment they should be using themselves, just so others will bleed for them?"
Stalin erupted in frustration. There was a reason he had unhesitatingly accepted the hand extended by French Prime Minister La Rocque.
The war the Soviet Union was fighting was not, in fact, against Poland and Finland. A significant portion of the weapons in their hands were being produced by German factories; this was already a prelude to a German-Soviet war.
"Launch the offensive at once! Aren't those damn Germans hiding behind Poland and Finland, laughing at us?"
"But Comrade General Secretary, our army is not yet ready. To meet France's demands, we deployed troops who haven't even completed proper basic training, and by concentrating too many forces inside the Polish border, we're facing incomplete equipment distribution and constant supply problems."
Things had been more manageable during the war with Finland, which was right next to Leningrad.
In the original history, when the Soviet army fought in Poland, they were already a seasoned, elite force, having gained vast experience from the hellish German-Soviet war, and their deficiencies were being filled by American Lend-Lease.
But the current Soviet army was suffering through all that trial and error while still reeling from the aftereffects of the Great Purge. Attempting to manage a massive army with an already insufficient officer corps and logistical capacity caused countless problems to erupt.
"Solve the problem, no matter how many of our people you have to sacrifice. What I want is to crush Poland and Finland and land a blow on those damn Germans!"
Zhukov suppressed the urge to click his tongue in disapproval and replied.
"We will begin the offensive as soon as preparations are complete, Comrade General Secretary."
"See to it that Warsaw is captured in July."
Zhukov could not bring himself to respond to Stalin's command. The Soviet Union's capabilities and potential were undeniably vast. But right now, they were merely in the process of overcoming the aftermath of the Great Purge, just beginning to awaken their dormant strength.
However, Stalin's impatience, just as it had in the German-Soviet war of the original history, was forcing unnecessary losses upon the Soviet Union.
Of course, Stalin's impatience was not entirely without reason.
"Those damn Germans are surely pouring so much into Poland and Finland that their own homeland defenses must be weak. If we can crush Poland before they subjugate Italy, we can ravage them on two fronts with France."
Considering the sheer volume of German military supplies pouring into Poland and Finland, Stalin's thinking was not unreasonable. Unfortunately for him, the industrial capacity of the German Fourth Reich far surpassed their estimations.
The Nazi Germany of the original history had conquered nearly all of Europe, but due to the Nazis' characteristic corruption, inefficient administration, and the immense resistance in occupied territories, they failed to properly utilize that capacity.
The Fourth Reich, however, had minimized administrative corruption and inefficiency and drastically cut down on unnecessary production, significantly boosting productivity.
Furthermore, compared to Nazi Germany, which had mobilized three million troops for the invasion of France at the same point in time, the Fourth Reich had so far only mobilized two million.
In the original history, Nazi Germany mobilized so many troops that they had to resort to forced labor, compelling foreigners and Jews in occupied territories to work in factories. These workers, forced into servitude, frequently engaged in strikes and sabotage.
Thanks to this, the Nazis had to divert their already scarce troops to maintain security, all while pouring significant manpower into the Holocaust, perpetuating a vicious cycle.
In contrast, the one million men not conscripted by the Fourth Reich meant that a sufficient number of skilled workers and key personnel remained in the factories. These skilled workers passed on their know-how to the women who, following government policy, filled the vacancies left by conscripted laborers, thereby minimizing the loss of industrial capacity.
These efficiently working German laborers were also the driving force of the economy. Their economic activity, combined with a much better diplomatic situation, was solving the chronic problems of funding and resource shortages that had plagued the Nazis.
As a result, the current military production of the Fourth Reich, even without Czechoslovakia, was not inferior to that of Nazi Germany after annexing Czechoslovakia, but rather comparable to Nazi Germany's output after it had conquered all of Europe.
"Do not worry too much, Comrade General Secretary. We hear that Germany is plagued by anti-war sentiment and strikes, thanks to the success of the NKVD's operations. Those weak democrats won't be able to take the initiative in a war under such circumstances, so we just need to move quickly on Poland."
The sudden surge of anti-war sentiment and massive protests in Germany, timed almost perfectly with France's surprise attack and the Soviet preparations to invade Poland, was an operation meticulously prepared by the NKVD.
"Ahem, the NKVD at least does its job properly. The Red Army could learn a thing or two."
Zhukov felt a surge of rage at Beria's smug grin and Stalin's disapproving gaze, but he had no choice but to suppress it.
Of course, Beria could afford to smile now only because the unbelievable report—that the NKVD's painstakingly executed operation had been shattered by a single speech—had not yet reached him.