Chapter 107
Chapter 107
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 107
Chapter Title: Our Fatherland (7)
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< World War II - Our Fatherland (7) >
June 2, 1940
Berlin, Northern Germany – Government Complex
The Fallschirmjäger had secured the 3rd Army’s high command before dawn, but the plan to use Operation Valkyrie to mobilize the Berlin Replacement Army and sweep the Nazi underground cells identified by the Abwehr continued until noon.
The operation was conducted overnight and so abruptly that it was chaotic enough to bring back memories of the Anschluss, but in the end, it was a success.
“Rudolf von Ribbentrop was killed while resisting… is that correct?”
“Yes, Vice-Chancellor.”
At Deputy Director Oster’s words, I glanced toward Claudia, who was busy with paperwork a short distance away. I opened my mouth, then closed it again.
With no immediate leads on the Nazi underground, I had followed a hunch that came to mind—Rudolf von Ribbentrop—and it had led to the discovery of their organization.
To be honest, I had been so worried about the man, who surely held a grudge against Claudia, that I’d even considered an extrajudicial killing. The fact that he died while resisting felt anticlimactic, yet it left a bitter taste in my mouth.
I, at least, knew the future and had a reason to kill Ribbentrop to prevent the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact at all costs.
But his innocent son would have no way of understanding that and would have a justifiable reason for revenge.
If he had been captured peacefully, would I still have resorted to illegal means to protect Claudia?
How far can one take self-defense based on the reason that ‘he might become a threat’?
Shaking my head, I looked over the list Oster had secured.
“What a mess.”
“You can say that again.”
The list was quite long. The coup had been suppressed before it even began, but the aftermath was proving to be the bigger problem.
-
This was a matter far beyond what the Abwehr and I could decide on our own, so a cabinet meeting was eventually convened.
My father, Hjalmar Schacht, glanced at a copy of the list and let out a cynical smirk.
“To think that so many people knew about this, yet the only one to inform our government was Brauchitsch, who’s currently in prison. It’s absurd.”
While Minister of Defense Ludwig Beck looked like death warmed over, Minister of Finance Konrad Adenauer, second to none in his dislike for the Prussian Junkers, added his own comment.
“It seems our esteemed Prussian Junker lords were quite dissatisfied with a cabinet that seeks to revive democracy.”
Thanks to the list secured upon Schellenberg’s arrest and Schellenberg’s own ‘forced’ cooperation with the Abwehr’s interrogation, we were able to clearly identify those involved in this incident.
Excluding those who hadn’t yet been contacted, the list was divided into three categories: participants, pending, and refusers.
There were surprisingly few participants, likely because the Nazi plot had been dismantled before they could properly prepare for the coup.
The participants were those who had been with the Nazis from the start, along with the high command of the 3rd Army, excluding its corps commander, Lieutenant General Walter Petzel.
The problem was the staggering number of those listed as pending and refusers. These individuals had been approached by the coup plotters but had either failed to report it to our government or were even considering joining.
Erich von Manstein’s name was proudly on the refusers list, which was hardly surprising anymore. Perhaps I should consider it better than expected that he wasn't listed as pending.
I could almost imagine him, usually grumbling about government policy, being approached for recruitment and retorting with a single line: “The Chief of the Prussian General Staff does not commit treason.”
Setting aside Brauchitsch, who had informed on them, the fact that Paul Hausser and Wilhelm Keitel remained on the refusers list suggested that they too had done a great deal of thinking during the collapse of the Nazi regime…
The real problem lay with the rest of the military and the Junkers.
“It wouldn’t be an exaggeration to say that almost every officer not given a key position in the Fourth Reich had a foot in this. At this point, even I’m starting to get suspicious of the military.”
Propaganda Minister Theodor Heuss’s dejected words spoke for all the government officials.
It was no joke. With the exception of those who had been with us since the beginning of the German Civil War or those from the 8th and 4th Armies who had defected midway, about a quarter of the military was listed as pending.
Of course, ‘pending’ just meant they hadn’t given a firm answer, and they could have been closer to refusing.
After all, the fact that the historical Black Orchestra operated from before World War II and was only rooted out after Operation Valkyrie was also a testament to how closed-off the German military and Junkers were, and how reluctant they were to inform on their comrades.
But ultimately, these were the types of people who, just as they had tested the waters between the new government and the Nazis during the civil war, wouldn't find it strange to side with the Nazis again if the situation looked promising.
I felt a headache coming on as I saw the name Claus von Stauffenberg recorded squarely in the pending column.
In the original history, he was the man who, disillusioned by the reality of the Holocaust and the desperate war situation, attempted to assassinate Hitler. But he was also a hardline militarist Junker who actively advocated for the colonization of Poland.
It seemed our government’s policies hadn't sat well with him, and the sweet nothings whispered by the Nazis and Junkers hadn't sounded like complete nonsense.
Should I call it one of history’s ironies? Honestly, I felt a little exhausted.
I had tried so hard to improve relations between the Fourth Reich’s government and the military, and I thought I had achieved some success. But the proof that I was wrong was right in front of my eyes.
Who would have thought the day would come when I’d understand the feelings of Stalin, who purged his military, or Hitler, who tore it apart after the failure of Operation Valkyrie?
“How can we trust the military after this? They’re men who could turn their guns on our government at any moment.”
Minister of Labor Kurt Schumacher lamented, but Field Marshal Ludwig Beck, the representative of the military, couldn’t say a word.
“The fact that this incident was discovered and suppressed beforehand was entirely due to our good fortune and the timely actions of the Vice-Chancellor and the Abwehr.”
Even as he said this, my father didn’t hide the coldness in his eyes.
“Otherwise, we’d be in another civil war right now, and there’s no telling how many of those listed as pending would have sided with the Nazis. What should we do? Never mind the pending ones, even the refusers are guilty of condoning treason.”
At my father’s chilling addition, Ludwig Beck looked horrified.
“B-but if we punish all the pending and refusers, the military will be hollowed out. That would create problems for the upcoming offensive against Italy…”
But Beck’s rebuttal only invited a sharp rebuke from Konrad Adenauer.
“So you’re saying we should just let go of those who considered joining or remained silent after learning of a rebellion—men who are a potential threat to the regime? You seem hell-bent on protecting your own house!”
Unfortunately for Beck, there was hardly anyone in the cabinet who viewed the military favorably at the moment.
After all, many of the people in this room had been directly harmed by the Nazis, and it was unlikely they would feel inclined to show leniency to military officials who tried to cozy up to the ghosts of that regime.
But to completely gut the military in this situation would be to repeat the mistakes of the Soviet Union in our history. Further shrinking the military’s talent pool, already diminished by the civil war against the Nazi regime, could not be a good thing.
We had the justification. But in the end, it was a question of how far we should go in dealing with the military for the reason that ‘they might become a threat.’
As shouts echoed through the cabinet room, I recalled the speech I gave at the deployment ceremony. The one where I told them to willingly disobey if they could not find a reason to fight.
It was I, of all people, who told them not to offer blind loyalty.
Was this incident an extension of that? Should I respect their free will even in this?
It was a difficult question. What was best and right for me was clearly not the same for them.
And if things had come to this, the government couldn't claim to be entirely without fault.
Perhaps it was naive from the start to expect them to understand our policies while we tried not to interfere with the army and gave them maximum support.
“We cannot pin all the blame on the military and move on. We are in the middle of a war, and the government… I, too, bear some responsibility for how things have turned out.”
As I, who had been silent, finally spoke, all eyes turned to me. Ludwig Beck’s look was so blatantly that of a man seeing a lifeline that it made me feel, well, strange.
“But we cannot simply let this pass. In the end, this incident was caused by the military’s insularity and independence, and if this situation continues, the same thing could happen again.”
One need not look far for an example. The old German tradition and limitation was aptly described by the saying, ‘While every state has an army, the Prussian army has a state.’
The military’s unchecked rampage was a major factor in the escalation of World War I, and Imperial Japan met a similar fate in World War II.
“What are you suggesting, then?”
At my father’s question, I glanced at Ludwig Beck and answered.
“If we intend to build a democratic nation, the military must be placed under civilian control.”
-
June 3, 1940
Berlin, Northern Germany
It was a bright, sunny day.
We moved quickly to resolve the tense atmosphere following the coup attempt, holding an external event with the heads of the army, navy, and air force.
“So, are you starting to see reality now, my romantic Chancellor?”
Wilhelm III, whom I hadn’t seen in a while, spoke with a certain sneer. I narrowed my eyes and replied.
“It’s Vice-Chancellor, Your Majesty.”
This ill-tempered emperor just had to poke at a sore spot when I was already vexed.
Wilhelm III merely smiled, and I shot him a glare before adding.
“Though it may be a transitional period, I have keenly felt my own shortcomings.”
Wilhelm III laughed, for some reason finding it all very amusing.
“Well, perhaps only you could say something like that.”
What did he mean by that? As I pondered his words, Wilhelm III stepped away, and Manstein, who had been observing cautiously from a distance, approached me.
“Truly a splendid day! It seems God himself is blessing this truly monumental day for the Fourth Reich, Vice-Chancellor! Haha!”
“Ah, yes. Chief of the General Staff.”
Manstein seemed to flinch slightly at my somewhat chilly response but soon plastered a smile back on his face.
“Ahem, ahem. As you know, I refused them flat out! The proud Chief of the General Staff of the German Army participating in treason! Not a chance! Not a chance in hell! Ahem!”
It would have been nice if the man who was so sure of himself had let us know a little earlier. I looked up at Manstein with narrowed eyes, and even his brazen face eventually averted its gaze.
After a moment of silence, Manstein spoke.
“Ahem, I heard that you proposed an alternative to punishing those implicated on the list. Please know that the military is deeply grateful.”
“…Of course.”
In the end, instead of butchering the military like dictators, we chose to reform the system.
Traditionally, Germany’s Minister of Defense had been a military general, but after this war cabinet, a civilian would hold the post, and the government would assume control of military command and personnel appointments.
In exchange for letting this incident go, the military agreed to include the principle of civilian control in the new constitution to be drafted by the newly elected government.
The air force and navy, which had little to lose, readily agreed as it would curb the army’s excessive power. The army, after trembling like a leaf, accepted with relief.
According to modern principles of civilian control, the positions of Commander-in-Chief for each of the three branches should also be abolished—but that was too much to ask of Germany at this time.
So instead, we prepared a symbolic ceremony.
Under the watch of the nominal head of state, Wilhelm III, the commanders-in-chief of the three branches of the military stood before the head of government, my father, Hjalmar Schacht.
Commander-in-Chief of the Army Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb, Commander-in-Chief of the Navy Erich Raeder, and Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force Hugo Sperrle stood before my father, saluted, and began to speak.
“I swear this solemn oath to God.”
The Wehrmacht’s oath of service, the same one I had sworn before Hitler at the Berlin War Academy.
It was now being conducted not with a Nazi salute but a standard one, not before a swastika but a tricolor flag.
“To His Majesty the Emperor, and to the people, the masters of Germany—”
The pledge to a dictator, the leader of Germany and its people, was now flowing with completely changed words in the new Germany.
“—to be loyal to the German government, to whom their authority is entrusted—”
We are not yet perfect. There will be more trial and error ahead.
But I believe it is all a step toward becoming a normal nation.
“—I pledge to be a soldier ready to lay down my life at any time to uphold this oath.”
May our fatherland find a better path through this process.
-
June 3, 1940
Paris, the ‘City of Light,’ capital of France
While Berlin held a ceremony under the bright sun to mark the transition to civilian control, shouts erupted in Paris.
“What do you mean? What is this talk about needing reinforcements?”
French Prime Minister François de La Rocque looked at Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano, his voice laced with irritation as if he couldn’t believe what he was hearing.
“It is exactly as I said, Prime Minister. It is obvious that a full-scale German offensive will come in the near future, and we desperately need reinforcements.”
Italy had desperately supported Himmler not only because of Mussolini’s penchant for grandstanding but also out of desperation.
With one German corps after another withdrawing, it was clear the Wehrmacht was preparing a more meticulous and lethal offensive. Italy had no way of dealing with the German army alone, so they took a gamble.
But Italy’s all-in bet had failed spectacularly.
Not only were Himmler and Italy’s attempts at instigating a civil war completely thwarted, but they were also thoroughly exposed, making the money Italy had poured into it vanish into thin air. This, combined with the death of the first prince and the bombing of Tyrol, had all of Germany in an uproar, demanding war against Italy.
Naturally, the German Army, implicated in this affair, was also burning with a desire to clear its name.
“Weren’t you aware from the beginning that this was a high-risk gamble? The operation is about to commence, and now you’re asking us to send troops. Does that make any sense?”
Of course, La Rocque and France couldn’t care less. They were dumbfounded by Italy’s outrageous demand.
The French army’s preparations for the start of the war were in their final stages.
To be asked to help Italy now meant pulling troops slated for the operation and sending them to Italy.
And they certainly couldn’t pull troops from the Maginot Line or from defending the homeland.
“I apologize for that, but we cannot imagine being able to stop Germany without France’s help.”
Now that things had come to this, even the Italian high command was capable of a realistic assessment: beating the German army alone was impossible, no matter what.
But La Rocque shook his head.
“Absolutely not. The fate of our nation rests on this very operation. We cannot revise the plans now.”
From France’s perspective, of course, it didn’t matter how badly Italy was beaten. Only their air force and navy were being mobilized for the operation.
Sending reinforcements was something to be considered only after the operation was over.
But Italy, which in the original history had driven Hitler up the wall by opening fronts it couldn’t handle, was not to be trifled with.
“I’m sorry, Prime Minister, but if France cannot help us, then we cannot cooperate in this operation either.”
“What did you say?”
La Rocque’s jaw dropped at the sheer audacity. After agreeing to everything, they were backing out like this?
Count Ciano flinched slightly under La Rocque’s accusing gaze, but with nothing left to lose, Italy became even more brazen.
“France cannot secure the Mediterranean without our air force and navy, can it? We are also taking a risk against Germany by cooperating in this operation; we cannot be the only ones to bear the danger. Are we not also fighting for our fatherland?”
La Rocque felt his breath catch in his throat.
It was true. Without Italy, there was no way to defeat the British Mediterranean Fleet. And Italy, knowing this full well, was playing hardball?
In the end, faced with Italy’s tantrum, La Rocque had to agree to dispatch at least some army units immediately after the declaration of war.
After Count Ciano left with a broad smile, La Rocque, trembling with rage, summoned his Foreign Minister, Paul Baudouin.
“Foreign Minister. Has Spain still not given us a firm answer?”
“M-my apologies, Prime Minister. They say they still need more time to prepare…”
Finally, La Rocque, breathing heavily, had to slam his fist on the desk.
“Damn it all! Not a single one of these so-called allies is worth a damn!”