The Pyongyang Summit
"Regime change! Waaaah!" The thunderous roar from an enormous crowd left Yoo Jae-won's ears ringing. He felt the word "crowd" with every fiber of his being. The people cheering were there to welcome President Jeon Myeong-heon and his entourage on their visit to Pyongyang. Pyongyang citizens dressed in hanbok held pink flowers—the kind often seen on the news—and their synchronized cheers and gestures felt almost mechanical. The scene matched the news footage so perfectly that Yoo Jae-won felt not only déjà vu but a strange sense of familiarity.
The schedule unfolded exactly as prearranged, without a single deviation. Though everything had been meticulously planned in advance, Kim Jong-il came out to greet them in downtown Pyongyang as if making a surprise appearance. Jeon Myeong-heon, who had visited North Korea several times since the cattle shipment, showed no awkwardness when he clasped hands with Kim Jong-il. It seemed they had met in person before.
Soon after, the honor guard ceremony of the North Korean military began. The hallmark of communist nations was their rigid military drills, and North Korea's forces were the most precise. Yet as Yoo Jae-won watched the ceremony performed for President Jeon Myeong-heon, he felt less admiration and more sympathy for the soldiers who must have endured grueling rehearsals. Though exempt from service in this life, he had suffered through military training in his previous one and knew exactly how exhausting such drills could be.
After the ceremony, President Jeon Myeong-heon and his entourage, including Yoo Jae-won, were escorted to Baekhwawon Guesthouse, North Korea's finest VIP facility.
"Feels like we've suddenly stepped back into the 1980s," Yoo Jae-won remarked honestly after unpacking in his assigned room. Marble floors, ornate chandeliers, silk wallpaper, and antique furniture—all befitting the country's premier guesthouse. Yet the only electronics were a telephone, a bulky old television, and an audio system. Everything gleamed from constant polishing, but the technology was hopelessly outdated. It reminded him of Frederick Taylor II's mansion. The telephone only connected internally, and the television received only Chosun Central Television. There was no computer, no internet. Even Frederick had modernized his home after frequent visits from Yoo Jae-won and Tiffany. North Korea might change with more frequent visitors, but predicting anything about the North was impossible.
Knock, knock.
"Yes? Who is it?"
"It's Administrator Kim."
"Ah, Administrator Kim! Please come in."
"I'm fine out here. I only came to inform you that you have a meeting with North Korean Cabinet Vice Premier Kim Yong-nam in one hour."
"Understood. I'll prepare."
Administrator Kim was part of the Blue House staff handling protocol. He was the type who ran himself ragged, and since his only task was relaying the next schedule item, he delivered the message and promptly disappeared. Yoo Jae-won was not the only business leader accompanying President Jeon Myeong-heon, so the staff had to manage everyone individually. Though the information had been announced beforehand, ensuring everything proceeded without error was Administrator Kim's responsibility.
While Yoo Jae-won and the chaebol chairmen met with the Cabinet Vice Premier, President Jeon Myeong-heon would hold the first summit meeting at the North Korean Workers' Party headquarters starting at 3 p.m. The three-day itinerary meant considerable time in North Korea, with at least two and possibly three or four summit meetings. Yet no dramatically groundbreaking agreements were expected. All summit meetings essentially served to reaffirm agreements already reached in working-level talks. This one was no different.
The publicly announced agenda items were the development of Mount Kumgang and the Kaesong Industrial Complex. If talks went well, they might also agree to import North Korean coal and iron ore. What the companies most anticipated were the Kaesong Industrial Complex, coal, and iron ore. The IMF crisis had driven up import prices, which in turn pushed up producer prices. In such circumstances, North Korea offered a potential lifeline. The distance was short, and the prices were extremely low. If they could import from there, nothing could be better.
But this time was different. There was one hidden agenda: the declaration ending the Korean War. If that went smoothly, constitutional amendment could follow in an instant. Whether it would succeed remained uncertain.
While lost in these thoughts, the one-hour wait passed in an instant, and Yoo Jae-won began his official schedule. The two days in North Korea flew by like an arrow. The schedule was packed, and moving from place to place left no time to notice its passage. Today's itinerary—touring factories North Korea was proud of with the Cabinet Vice Premier and visiting tourist sites—ended just as quickly. The only remaining official event was tomorrow morning's farewell ceremony.
"What's going on?" After finishing yet another banquet that had become routine every evening, Yoo Jae-won returned to his room feeling puzzled. North Korea's attitude seemed strange. It wasn't that the hospitality was lacking. The inter-Korean system competition had effectively ended with the 1988 Olympics. Even post-IMF Korea was far better off than North Korea. What Yoo Jae-won meant by "proactiveness" was North Korea's stance on ending the war.
North Korea wanted regime security—not the security of the communist system, but the security of the Kim family's dictatorship. The prerequisite for that was diplomatic relations between North Korea and the United States, and the preliminary step toward that was a declaration ending the war. The United States continued to ignore North Korea, refusing even to treat it as a country. To gain American attention, North Korea had caused all manner of incidents and eventually built nuclear facilities in Yongbyon under the pretext of nuclear development. Of course, this was the narrative from North Korea's perspective; Korea and the United States saw things completely differently. Regardless, the declaration ending the war was a critical issue for North Korea's transition to a normal state.
"Their enthusiasm for ending the war is far too weak." At the very least, there should have been some mention. During yesterday's first meeting or today's second meeting before the banquet. But neither Kim Jong-il nor the high-ranking North Korean officials had said a single word about ending the war. Instead, they focused on the Kaesong Industrial Complex and the Mount Kumgang tourism project. They didn't even bother hiding their desire for South Korean conglomerates to enter in large numbers. The chairmen had all said they would review the matter positively, but Yoo Jae-won was the only one who gave a definitive answer—that he would enter once the Kaesong Industrial Complex was established. He answered without a second's hesitation, and even Kim Jong-il's expression wavered slightly.
Economically speaking, the Kaesong Industrial Complex was a profitable venture. Labor costs were lower than China's, the workers understood Korean, and they were diligent. They learned quickly and could be trusted with production. There was only one risk: sudden political shifts. The Kaesong Industrial Complex, which had been running smoothly, suddenly closed due to changes in inter-Korean relations triggered by North Korea's nuclear development. The companies that had moved in suffered significant losses. Some media outlets distorted this and brazenly claimed it was a representative example of pouring money into North Korea. But when inter-Korean relations normalized again and the Kaesong Industrial Complex reopened, the companies that had been hurt returned. The reason was simple: economic advantage. The profits the tenant companies earned far exceeded the benefits North Korea gained from providing labor and land, and those profits outweighed the political risks between the two Koreas.
However, Yoo Jae-won's immediate agreement wasn't solely for economic reasons. It was to bolster Jeon Myeong-heon's prestige. North Korea had high expectations for the business leaders invited this time. The hospitality was lavish. Kim Jong-il had even offered generous terms for entry, and if no one accepted, it would damage Jeon Myeong-heon's reputation. Establishing a factory for final assembly of LCD televisions and entry-level computers was nothing to Yoo Jae-won, so he readily agreed. The Mirae Group also promised to build an automobile parts factory in the Kaesong Industrial Complex. North Korea seemed satisfied with just ID Group and Mirae Motors. ID Group's stature was well known even in North Korea. Mirae Group was also Korea's top conglomerate, and its automobile parts division was among the most profitable. Anyone could predict that these two companies alone would naturally generate positive PR for the Kaesong Industrial Complex. Moreover, labor-intensive small and medium-sized enterprises had already run their calculations and were merely waiting for the application date, so the success of the Kaesong Industrial Complex was practically guaranteed.
Thanks to this, at the banquet that had just ended, Yoo Jae-won received more attention from Kim Jong-il than anyone except President Jeon Myeong-heon. Naturally, the other chaebol chairmen were left out in the cold. The chaebols' reactions were amusing. Some expressed relief at not being saddled with the uncertain Kaesong Industrial Complex, while others who were experiencing exclusion for the first time couldn't hide their awkward expressions. Among them was Choi Jae-young, the crown prince of Ilseong Group.
Choi Jae-young, in his early thirties and about ten years older than Yoo Jae-won, held the official title of Vice Chairman of Ilseong Motors. That alone wouldn't have qualified him for President Jeon Myeong-heon's business delegation, which was filled with chairmen. Yet Choi Jae-young had joined as a proxy for Chairman Choi Hyun-hee. It had been revealed that his prolonged absence from the public eye wasn't due to company difficulties but because his chronic illness had flared up again. If the company had been running smoothly, his health would have been better managed, but the IMF crisis had put Ilseong Group in serious trouble, and even his health management had failed. This marked Choi Jae-young's first official appearance in place of Chairman Choi Hyun-hee, and the event was none other than the inter-Korean summit. Naturally, the spotlight was intense. While the accompanying press corps prioritized President Jeon Myeong-heon and Kim Jong-il, Choi Jae-young's first official appearance also drew attention. As a result, he maintained an extremely stiff posture and couldn't even rest properly during breaks. Yoo Jae-won watched Choi Jae-young's demeanor closely. In his heart, which he could tell no one, he wanted to punch him. After all, it was Choi Jae-young's son who had stolen the machine psychology technology that was like Yoo Jae-won's alter ego. He wanted to run over and tell him to educate his son properly. Yet whenever their eyes met, Choi Jae-young smiled at Yoo Jae-won without knowing his inner thoughts. It was an awkward smile—whether forced or genuine, it was hard to tell.
Fortunately, Yoo Jae-won and Choi Jae-young had little reason to converse. Yoo Jae-won deliberately kept his distance, and Choi Jae-young didn't approach either.
"Anyway, that's beside the point. Why hasn't there been any mention of ending the war?" Yoo Jae-won pulled himself back from his wandering thoughts. The economic issues had progressed reasonably well, but there hadn't been even a hint of the most important matter—the declaration ending the war. As time passed, impatience was clearly visible on Jeon Myeong-heon's face. Yet even Yoo Jae-won had no special answer to this problem. He simply wondered if North Korea was employing its usual salami tactics—brinkmanship. Knock, knock.
"Yes!" While deep in thought about why brinkmanship had suddenly come to mind, a knock sounded from outside. Opening the door, he found Administrator Kim, who had been constantly busy since entering North Korea. Administrator Kim didn't waste words.
"The President is looking for you."
Yoo Jae-won nodded without another word and stepped out of the room.
"What do you think those people over there are thinking?" President Jeon Myeong-heon seemed to share the same concern as Yoo Jae-won. As soon as Yoo Jae-won arrived and took his seat, the old man began with a sigh. The Mount Kumgang tourism project was good, and the Kaesong Industrial Complex was good. But the fact that there had been no mention of the declaration ending the war, which he had most anticipated, was clearly frustrating. Judging from Jeon Myeong-heon's reaction, he might have been tempted to bring it up himself. If they were friends, it wouldn't matter, but between nations, who raised an agenda first changed the justification. Only if North Korea requested an end to the war could Korea naturally convey that proposal to the United States. If Korea proposed ending the war first, then managing North Korea and coordinating with the United States would all become Korea's responsibility. For Jeon Myeong-heon, who had mapped out a roadmap from the declaration ending the war to constitutional amendment, this was nothing short of a dilemma.
This was why the Blue House paid high salaries to assemble advisors—to pool wisdom in such moments. As soon as Jeon Myeong-heon returned to his quarters, he had gathered North Korea experts and put their heads together. Yet when no clear answer emerged, he eventually called for Yoo Jae-won as well.
Yoo Jae-won fell into brief thought at Jeon Myeong-heon's question. The best way to counter salami tactics was with Trump-style madman tactics, but conditions didn't allow for that now. That didn't mean there were no options at all. Yoo Jae-won glanced around and began speaking in a slightly lowered voice. At the same time, he opened his iWorks laptop and displayed materials on North Korea prepared by the information team and Choi Kang-wook.
"Well, it seems we've been reduced to supporting actors."
"Supporting actors?"
"China. As China pursues full-scale reform and opening and develops Chinese-style capitalism, North Korea has been left out in the cold."
Yoo Jae-won continued while showing Jeon Myeong-heon the laptop screen.
"If we declare an end to the war, China becomes a problem. China prefers having North Korea as a buffer zone with the United States."
"So you're saying North Korea's intention was to act as if they would declare an end to the war while trying to provoke China?"
"It's too early to jump to conclusions. But if there's no mention of ending the war by the time this summit ends, then it's 100 percent certain. It's a shame. Even so, China won't provide North Korea with the same level of economic support as before."
Yoo Jae-won's words were bold even when discussing sensitive matters involving China. Naturally, there was clear intent behind such strong statements. They weren't even meant solely for Jeon Myeong-heon to hear. Surprisingly, the effect was immediate. The next day, Kim Jong-il personally visited Jeon Myeong-heon's quarters and suggested he stay one more day, saying the hospitality had been insufficient. The magnanimous Jeon Myeong-heon immediately replied, "Let's do that," as if he had been waiting for the offer. With the summit unexpectedly extended by a day, chaos erupted. Schedules that had been running like clockwork now had undetermined slots. Everything from security to the delegation's itinerary had to be completely reorganized. Amid the resulting confusion, a historic event occurred. On the final night of the unofficial schedule, an unofficial summit meeting between Jeon Myeong-heon and Kim Jong-il took place. It was a strictly confidential meeting with minimal attendance. The day after their meeting, just before departure, the two leaders' joint declaration was announced, and the final line contained a statement that they would pursue a declaration ending the war. Though it was only one sentence, the meaning it carried was immense. After the historical tragedy of division, it declared to the world that the two Koreas were casting off their endless system competition and taking the first step toward a new future of peace. The world was shaken by the breaking news from the Korean Peninsula.