The Inaugural Reckoning
After completing the oath to kick away the ladder, President Jeon Myeong-heon stepped onto the platform with a grave expression. It was his first address to the nation as president, and the weight of that moment was immense. In the midst of the IMF crisis, a single word from the president could determine life or death for countless citizens. Every eye and ear in the country was fixed on Jeon Myeong-heon.
“My respected and beloved fellow citizens, good afternoon. This is Jeon Myeong-heon. Today, I have been inaugurated as the fifteenth President of the Republic of Korea.”
The opening was measured. But if the entire speech had remained measured, it would not have been Jeon Myeong-heon.
“Through your wise choice, the first peaceful transfer of power in the fifty years since the founding of our government has taken place. Our Republic of Korea is the only nation in Asia to have achieved such a transition through peaceful means. I offer my deepest respect to the people who won this advanced form of democracy through struggle. Yet for me, the burden outweighs the joy. It is because this great nation now faces the national crisis of a foreign exchange crisis.”
From the very first words of his inaugural address, Jeon Myeong-heon hurled the term IMF like a direct strike. Former President Kim Young-sam and his wife were seated among the distinguished guests, and the discomfort on their faces was unmistakable the moment the words left his mouth. Only two former presidents had been invited to the ceremony—Choi Kyu-hah and Kim Young-sam—making their reactions all the more visible. Everyone knew why the others were absent: Chun Doo-hwan had been executed and erased from history, while Roh Tae-woo was serving his sentence in prison, waiting for a pardon that might never come.
“I believe in the wisdom and intelligence of our Korean people. No matter how severe the foreign exchange crisis, I have no doubt that we will overcome it together with unity and ingenuity. I also believe that the mandate you have given me by electing me the fifteenth president lies precisely here. To surmount this IMF crisis, we must all stand together. United we live; divided we die.”
Jeon Myeong-heon raised both arms and shouted the final line. Watching from the VIP section, Yoo Jae-won let out a quiet sigh. Born in the 1920s, he had half-expected it, and sure enough, the phrase had come. The words themselves were not wrong, but the man who had lived by them was the problem.
Meanwhile, conservatives listening closely felt their ears perk up. It was a line that struck their sensibilities perfectly. Yet in Korean, one must hear a speech to the end.
“However, I will not demand that you blindly unite while ignoring everything else. For true unity, there must first be trust. Unfortunately, the Republic of Korea today is filled with distrust. Those who once trampled our families, friends, villages, and cities under military boots still walk freely among us. The same is true of those who massacred civilians in Jeju. Beyond that, countless massacres in our modern and contemporary history remain uninvestigated. Punishing these crimes is what it means to set history right. Only after removing the deep-seated distrust in our society can we truly unite. This principle will apply equally to the foreign exchange crisis we are about to face.”
Jeon Myeong-heon did not hesitate. Words poured out that had no place in a presidential inaugural address. Promising to reexamine a past that had long been ignored was not something just anyone could say. In the VIP section where Yoo Jae-won sat, conservative figures responded with audible coughs and murmurs of discomfort. Some looked as though they wanted to walk out immediately, but none dared.
Jeon Myeong-heon was not finished.
“Some newspapers have blamed the IMF crisis on our people, claiming we popped the champagne too early to celebrate entering the ranks of advanced nations. I have seen articles suggesting that reckless overspending caused the crisis. To the citizens who felt self-reproach after reading such nonsense, I offer my sincere apology.”
He bowed his head deeply.
“What sin have the people committed by diligently working at their jobs? The responsibility lies with the politicians who crafted policies from the highest positions, the bureaucrats who executed flawed policies without protest out of habit or precedent, and the business leaders who managed their companies recklessly while relying on the protection of those outdated forces. They have shifted that blame onto the people. I, Jeon Myeong-heon, cannot accept this.”
After raising his voice, he took a sip from a glass of water.
“I will never stand by while those who caused this national crisis turn their backs and leave all responsibility and cleanup to the people alone. The locus of responsibility will be clearly established, and I promise here that the government and corporations will share the burden of pain equally. We will also build a social safety net as quickly as possible to share the hardships of the people. As President of the Republic of Korea, I will not abandon a single citizen.”
Applause and cheers erupted across Yeouido Plaza. No politician had ever so directly addressed what the people wanted to hear. At last, Jeon Myeong-heon had appeared.
“My respected and beloved fellow citizens, please trust the Jeon Myeong-heon government and do not lose hope. If we all unite as one, I believe we will not only overcome the foreign exchange crisis but also join the ranks of truly advanced nations.”
When the inaugural address ended, Yeouido Plaza once again filled with thunderous applause and cheers. Meanwhile, the establishment figures who had been targeted from the very beginning were thrown into confusion and scrambled to devise countermeasures.
The next day.
- The fifteenth administration is named the Jeon Myeong-heon government.
- True to its namesake, it will bear full responsibility.
- A groundbreaking inaugural address emphasizing direct communication with the people.
- The Tongil National Party submits the Government Organization Act.
- A system of sixteen ministries, two agencies, and sixteen administrations under the Prime Minister.
- The U.S. Vice President attends the presidential inauguration for the first time, showcasing the solid Korea-U.S. alliance.
Articles announcing the start of the Jeon Myeong-heon government poured out.
“Well, this is rather dull.”
Seated in the study of the penthouse atop the ID Global Headquarters building, Yoo Jae-won removed his hands from the keyboard after reading the articles on his computer. He had expected some reaction from the establishment to Jeon Myeong-heon’s bold speech, yet there were no cries of injustice or fierce rebuttals.
“Then again, their power is still very much alive.”
The word “president” carried enormous weight. Since the founding of the Republic of Korea, a succession of dictators had held the office. From the first president, Lee Seung-man, to Roh Tae-woo, the title had been synonymous with either authoritarian rule or military background, radiating an icy authority. That very authoritarianism had produced many ills, and some had worked hard to dismantle it. But now was the time when that authority was needed.
In truth, yesterday’s inaugural address had been heavily influenced by Yoo Jae-won. He had not rewritten the entire speech like some shadow power behind the throne, but he had pointed out the key points that absolutely had to be included: preventing the shifting of all responsibility onto the people, promising that corporations and the government would share the pain, and addressing historical reckoning. Jeon Myeong-heon had accepted Yoo Jae-won’s suggestions and infused them with his own characteristic boldness, resulting in the speech delivered the previous day.
Not every point had been accepted, however. While the address had touched on historical issues and the question of responsibility for the IMF crisis, it had not condemned every previous administration. Jeon Myeong-heon had noted that people are inherently dual-natured and that both achievements and failures must be acknowledged. For example, the Lee Seung-man administration’s achievement was naturally the Korea-U.S. alliance. Thanks to Yoo Jae-won’s influence, U.S. Vice President Al Gore had attended the inauguration for the first time, lending it greater presence. The congratulatory delegations from neighboring countries had also been of higher rank because of Al Gore. Yet the strengthening of the alliance had been mentioned only briefly. Similarly, Park Chung-hee had been credited with economic development, and Kim Young-sam with setting history right. The two presidents omitted were Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo. Chun Doo-hwan was not worth mentioning, and while Roh Tae-woo’s Northern Policy had positive aspects, there was no value in referencing a man whose presidency had been stripped for anti-national acts and who now sat in prison.
Yoo Jae-won had also recommended elements that would appeal to conservatives, but these had been largely omitted from Jeon Myeong-heon’s address. Whether this was Jeon Myeong-heon’s own decision or someone else’s remained unclear. He had brought his longtime speechwriting secretary from Mirae Group into the Blue House as his speech secretary, and that person’s inclinations might have played a role. When he had some free time, he would call and ask directly. For now, Yoo Jae-won returned to his computer.
“Still, the Government Organization Act must have come as quite a shock.”
The act placed a prime minister beneath the president, with the prime minister overseeing sixteen ministries, two agencies, and sixteen administrations. The prime minister’s authority was considerable; if the position were ever elected by the National Assembly, it would essentially create a cabinet system. The structure reflected Jeon Myeong-heon’s experience as prime minister. The choice of the first prime minister of the Jeon Myeong-heon government made perfect sense: Kim Dae-jung, chairman of the Democratic Party. He had been a pillar of the democratization movement alongside Kim Young-sam and a giant of the Democratic Party. He had run for president several times, only to be defeated each time. In the original timeline, he would have won the fifteenth presidential election and demonstrated his preparedness for the role, but once again he had been bested by Jeon Myeong-heon. Now, citing his advanced age comparable to Jeon Myeong-heon’s, he had intended to retire for good. It was Jeon Myeong-heon who had personally visited him and persuaded him to accept the prime ministership. The idea of Prime Minister Kim Dae-jung had originated with Jeon Myeong-heon. Yoo Jae-won had considered it unrealistic and had never raised it, yet it had succeeded. Thanks to the coalition with the Democratic Party led by Kim Dae-jung, the ruling party secured a comfortable majority in the National Assembly. In return, Jeon Myeong-heon had promised the prime minister even greater authority than what former President Kim Young-sam had guaranteed. The Government Organization Act was submitted and passed through the National Assembly almost immediately. A few politicians still mired in old habits had tried to obstruct it for the sake of newspaper coverage, but the bill passed in its original form.
The most significant change among the provisions was the division of the Ministry of Finance and Economy. This ministry, which had managed and supervised the budget and financial flows of the vast nation of Korea, had also been the primary culprit behind the IMF crisis. Because it handled enormous funds, it attracted the highest-scoring passers of the administrative exam, and its officials prided themselves on being an elite group. When that pride was used constructively, it was one thing, but they covered up mistakes for one another and suppressed scandals when they arose. Even when the foreign exchange crisis was clearly approaching, they had failed to issue proper warnings largely because of this cartel of vested interests. Therefore, Jeon Myeong-heon and Yoo Jae-won had agreed to divide the ministry’s powers. The department executing the national budget became the Ministry of Finance and Economy, while planning for the next budget was assigned to the Planning and Budget Office, a lower-ranking agency. Supervisory authority was transferred to the Financial Supervisory Commission. The Ministry of the Interior and the General Affairs Agency were merged into the Ministry of the Interior and Safety. The Science and Technology Agency, previously lower in rank, was elevated to the Ministry of Science and Technology with full ministerial status. The much-criticized Government Information Agency was retained. Although it should have been disbanded, national and international publicity remained essential for maintaining power. However, because its previous output had lacked sophistication, a major overhaul was planned, including the recruitment of external experts. The agency’s broadcasting licensing duties would be transferred to the newly established Ministry of Information and Communications, which would also handle regulation of broadcasting and telecommunications as well as user protection. Some argued that an independent committee should be created to minimize government interference, but Jeon Myeong-heon had no intention of voluntarily relinquishing any presidential authority. Yoo Jae-won fully agreed, knowing that granting such independence would only benefit others. Interestingly, there was no separate personnel hearing process. Starting with the prime minister, cabinet ministers were announced one after another. Only the prime minister required National Assembly approval; the rest were simply appointed by presidential decree. In the past, personnel hearings had often unearthed long-forgotten scandals or flaws, leading to nominations being withdrawn and questions about who had recommended the candidate. This time, there were no hearings. If someone had an undeniable flaw, the media might expose it and cause their downfall, but most sailed through. Consequently, Jeon Myeong-heon assembled a cabinet of people who shared his vision and whom he could effectively lead. As a result, many individuals connected to Mirae Group were included. Some media outlets exaggerated this, claiming the Blue House and cabinet had been filled with Mirae Group secretaries and executives. Neither Jeon Myeong-heon nor Yoo Jae-won paid any attention to such concerns.
“The real bombshell hasn’t even dropped yet.”
Beyond dispelling worries about the new ministers’ backgrounds being dominated by Mirae Group, they were naturally preparing measures that would prove useful in the fight against the massive vested interests dominating Korean society.
“Code personnel? I am well aware of the harsh criticism regarding this round of ministerial appointments. I also know that quite a few citizens agree with this view. Of course they do. No matter how capable the appointees may be, if they all come from a single group, the criticism is entirely reasonable. That is why I am preparing a system that will instantly dispel such concerns. I intend to establish an independent investigative agency called the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials.”
On the monitor, Jeon Myeong-heon spoke with confident expression about the establishment of the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials, commonly known as the Gongsucheo. The special weapon Yoo Jae-won had prepared was precisely this office—an investigative body dedicated exclusively to high-ranking officials, including presidential secretaries, government ministers, prosecutors, and judges, with a firm commitment to root out corruption among close associates and societal leaders alike. The announcement carried enormous implications. Even more surprising was the location of the press conference: it was taking place inside a computer monitor accessible to anyone. On the “Conversation with the President” page created on Nextcom, President Jeon Myeong-heon was delivering a fiery speech.