The Chairman's Wrath
Yoo Jae-won was still staring at his phone, lost in thought, when chaos erupted at the Tongil National Party headquarters in Seoul.
“Father! This is absolutely absurd!” Jeon Jae-jun raised his voice. Before him sat Jeon Myeong-heon with his eyes closed, while several nationally known assemblymen stood around Jeon Jae-jun. Most were sitting members of the National Assembly; a few held key posts such as Supreme Council members, floor leaders, or election committee chairs—six people in total who wielded real influence inside the Tongil National Party.
“How can you simply dismantle a perfectly functioning election headquarters and replace it with an emergency committee? And then appoint some middle-school third-year whose forehead hasn’t even dried yet as its chairman?”
Jeon Jae-jun, who normally never dared to talk back to his father, was now doing exactly that. To Yoo Jae-won he might seem like a generous grandfather, but inside the Mirae Group he remained a tiger with sharp teeth and claws. A single cold stare from him could make cold sweat run down anyone’s back, and when his roar erupted, nothing could stand in Jeon Myeong-heon’s way. The Tongil National Party was no exception. Korean politics still had a long way to go before true intra-party democracy could take root. Both the Minja Party and the Democratic Party allowed their chairmen to wield absolute power under the title of “president.” The Tongil National Party had no president and its party leader was someone else, yet the situation was no different. With the presidential election system in place, all authority had concentrated in the hands of the presidential candidate, Jeon Myeong-heon. Even before he became the candidate, when he held no official party post, Jeon Myeong-heon’s words carried more weight than the party leader’s. Almost no Tongil National Party lawmaker had won a gold badge without riding on Jeon Myeong-heon’s coattails, and the party’s biggest financial backer was, without question, Jeon Myeong-heon himself. That was why a single word from him functioned as law inside the Tongil National Party.
Until now.
Jeon Myeong-heon’s orders from the previous day had been two-fold. First: “Dissolve the Central Election Campaign Committee and switch to an emergency election committee system.” Second: “The chairman of the emergency committee will be an outside figure—ID Group Chairman Yoo Jae-won.” Both directives were so radical that the Tongil National Party had been turned upside down.
The first order was at least somewhat understandable. Jeon Myeong-heon’s stated reason for dismantling the central campaign headquarters was that it was complacent and incompetent. The lawmakers and party members could accept that. Even in their eyes, election preparations were sloppy and the policy platform was poorly written. Still, it was not something that could not be defended. Official campaigning had not yet begun. There was still enough time before candidate registration closed. But appointing Yoo Jae-won as chairman of the new emergency committee was beyond shocking—it was staggering. What party in the world would make a minor the head of its emergency committee?
Even if Yoo Jae-won was exceptional, this was simply wrong. Those most fiercely opposed to Jeon Myeong-heon’s announcement had gathered, and it was only natural that Jeon Jae-jun became their focal point. He was the only one among Jeon Myeong-heon’s sons who wore a gold badge and held a top position within the Tongil National Party. He had also served as the overall director of the central election headquarters, making him directly affected by the decision. The accumulated grievances of the Tongil National Party were now being channeled through Jeon Jae-jun to Jeon Myeong-heon.
“Have you said everything you wanted to say?” Jeon Myeong-heon asked slowly. Jeon Jae-jun nearly gasped. Having served beside Jeon Myeong-heon for a long time, he knew that tone all too well—it was the sound of anger compressed to the breaking point, ready to explode.
“You’re against it because he’s sixteen……” Jeon Myeong-heon muttered, tapping the desk. Jeon Jae-jun grew even more uneasy. It had felt good to raise his voice in front of his father and meet the expectations of the opposition, but now he wondered if he had gone too far.
“Then what about all of you who are even worse than a sixteen-year-old? What have you accomplished so far?”
Jeon Myeong-heon’s lion’s roar finally erupted. Jeon Jae-jun, who had been so loud moments earlier, instantly shrank, and the lawmakers standing like a folding screen around him flinched and stepped back.
“You know how to build organizations! You know how to write policies! All you know is how to siphon off my money under every excuse, but you’ve never done a single thing properly! Ten billion won worth of research produced nothing but this trash!”
Once unleashed, Jeon Myeong-heon’s fury did not subside easily. He slammed his fist on the thin policy booklet whose cover bore the bold title “14th Presidential Election – Tongil National Party Jeon Myeong-heon” along with a half-body photo of himself. Though it was labeled a preliminary draft, the presidential platform was barely different from the one used for the general election. Yet ten billion won had been spent to produce it. Even in a money-driven election, this was excessive.
“Is there anyone among you who thinks you won your gold badge without support from Yoo Jae-won? Step forward right now! I’ll personally snap the neck of any ungrateful wretch!”
At Jeon Myeong-heon’s continued shouting, Jeon Jae-jun felt a surge of defiance. His district was Ulsan. He had barely campaigned yet won by an overwhelming margin. Ulsan was home to Mirae Heavy Industries, Mirae Shipbuilding, and various other Mirae Group companies. It was no exaggeration to call Ulsan the heart of the Mirae Group. The majority of its residents were either directly employed by the group or earned their living through businesses connected to it. Therefore, Jeon Jae-jun could have won simply by planting his flag.
“Father!” Jeon Jae-jun clenched his fists again and summoned his courage.
“Can you not even distinguish between public and private matters? Address me as ‘Candidate,’ you fool!”
The courage he had scraped together vanished instantly at Jeon Myeong-heon’s reply. The moment public and private matters were mentioned, Jeon Jae-jun knew he was finished. Jeon Myeong-heon never blindly protected family members. If they were wrong, he would kick even his own son in the shins. Though that had happened during the days when he was building Mirae Construction, Jeon Jae-jun still vividly remembered watching his older brothers being scolded that way.
“Yes, Candidate!”
Even the way he addressed Jeon Myeong-heon changed in an instant.
“We are not asking you to withdraw the appointment immediately.”
“Then what?”
“If even one of the two events Yoo Jae-won predicted comes true, we will step down cleanly.”
Jeon Jae-jun had not opposed the decision blindly. He had advisors and political operators behind him. They had warned that outright opposition would only invite Jeon Myeong-heon’s full wrath, so they had prepared a countermeasure: if even one prediction proved correct, they would resign. The real-name financial system and Daeho Group Chairman Kim Woo-jung’s presidential run were stories that even seasoned political operators found hard to believe. Jeon Jae-jun himself had quietly inquired through ruling-party channels and had not heard even the first syllable about the real-name financial system. Kim Woo-jung’s candidacy was even more preposterous. Therefore, the advice had been to attach conditions as the safest way to avoid Jeon Myeong-heon’s anger.
“What did you say?”
As expected, the reaction changed. The storm that had been raging moments earlier subsided. Jeon Myeong-heon looked at Jeon Jae-jun and the lawmakers surrounding him with an expression that said, “Well, well.” After a brief moment of thought, he gave an unexpected reply.
“Then you should put something on the line as well.”
“Pardon?”
“If you’re going to try to bring Yoo Jae-won down like that, shouldn’t you stake your own necks too?”
Jeon Jae-jun and the others had thought they were offering a reasonable proposal, but to Jeon Myeong-heon it was absurd. He had not been in business for a day or two; he had built the Mirae Group over decades. He saw through the opposition’s intentions at once.
“Understood. I will stake my assembly seat.”
While everyone else hesitated, Jeon Jae-jun stepped forward. Jeon Myeong-heon always called him incompetent, yet he was still Jeon Myeong-heon’s son and understood when someone had to take the lead. Besides, Jeon Jae-jun had never wanted to enter politics in the first place. His grand dream was to become the successor of the Mirae Group, but he would have been satisfied with even one major affiliate. If his opinion proved correct, he would be credited with blocking an unwelcome outsider and gain strong support within the Tongil National Party. If he was wrong, he could finally escape the tiresome world of Yeouido. Either way suited him.
“That won’t be enough. If you are wrong, all of you will serve under Yoo Jae-won.”
“Pardon?”
“You will serve as ordinary soldiers.”
Jeon Jae-jun was still a monkey in the palm of the Buddha. Jeon Myeong-heon, standing above him, had set conditions Jeon Jae-jun had never imagined.
“Yes, Candidate. I promise.”
With no way to back out now, Jeon Jae-jun reluctantly gave his word.
“Good. That’s settled.”
“Yes!”
“Then get out right now and focus on election preparations!”
Jeon Myeong-heon barked one final order and drove out his disappointing son and the other troublesome figures. Left alone in the suddenly quiet office, Jeon Myeong-heon let out a short sigh. Giving them even meaningless positions and then trying to take them back provoked this much resistance. If they lacked ability, they should at least lack greed, yet they were full of nothing but desire. He also disliked that his son was associating with such incompetent people. Because Jeon Myeong-heon believed in Yoo Jae-won’s predictions as if they were gospel, he had no worries. He simply regretted that precious time was being wasted on pointless arguments.
“What should I tell Jae-won?”
In particular, he could not easily think of what to say to Yoo Jae-won, who was surely waiting for his call.
“Ah, I knew it would be like this.”
Yoo Jae-won reacted as if he had expected the call that had just come in. It was not empty words—his expression did not change at all.
- Yes, Chairman. Then what shall we do?
It was not the call he had been waiting for, but it was an important one. It was an urgent report from Hwang Jae-hong, who had become the Korea branch manager of ID Group. Hwang Jae-hong’s mission as Korea branch manager was simple: carry out Yoo Jae-won’s instructions and report back, just as before. Company operations were handled by the respective business division heads, so there was no need to oversee every detail. The highest-priority order Yoo Jae-won had given Hwang Jae-hong was to build a powerful nationwide intelligence network. In his earlier, less experienced days, the directive would have seemed daunting, but after years of practical work at ID Investment, Hwang Jae-hong had shed much of his novice status. While serving as field manager for ID Investment, he had also met many influential people and learned how the underworld operated. Among the investment funds flowing into ID Investment were large sums of legitimate money, but there was also a considerable amount of dark money. This had created connections with several powerful organizations, which in turn allowed him to assemble the nationwide intelligence team Yoo Jae-won wanted.
The report he had just received was the highest-grade information gathered by that newly formed team. It stated that several staff members from the Ilsung Group secretariat had secretly met with the Minja Party. Combined with additional intelligence that several secretariat employees had been collecting matured negotiable certificates of deposit on the underground market, the picture became intriguing. It suggested that the Ilsung Group had funneled a substantial, hard-to-trace sum to the Minja Party under the guise of election funds.
Until recently, the Ilsung Group and ID Group had clashed heavily. Beyond the public opinion war, various pressures clearly orchestrated by Ilsung had been applied. The most significant among them had been the special tax audit on ID Technology. Although it had later fizzled out, there had been signs that the National Tax Service was actually preparing to move. Then Yoo Jae-won had brought ten percent of his massive Nikkei futures profits back to Korea and used the funds to begin indiscriminately purchasing shares in Ilsung Group’s core affiliates, changing the dynamic. A year earlier, no one could have imagined Ilsung losing a cash battle. Yet even Ilsung had to raise both hands in surrender before ID Investment’s seemingly limitless resources. All targeted shares in Ilsung’s major affiliates had been secured, and with those shares ID Investment had entered the boards of directors. The personnel ID Investment recommended were, naturally, social activists who had long opposed Ilsung. Using shareholders’ rights, they uncovered and filed complaints regarding embezzlement and breach of trust at Ilsung affiliates. The number of executives and presidents already indicted exceeded ten. Even more frightening was the fact that Yoo Jae-won’s financial power was only just beginning. After acquiring Comcast, he still had over ten billion dollars in cash remaining. A head-on confrontation offered no chance of victory. Ultimately, Ilsung Chairman Choi Hyun-hee had turned to his usual method: political collusion.
As Yoo Jae-won roughly calculated how much Ilsung had given to the Minja Party, an old memory surfaced.
“Wait. Now that I think about it, didn’t President Roh supposedly give three hundred billion won in election funds to Kim Young-sam?”
The issue of election funds in the 14th presidential election had never been large. The prosecution had never even conducted an investigation, so nothing had been revealed. It was only when President Roh wrote his memoirs that many questions were answered. One of them was the three-hundred-billion-won election fund. Naturally, the notoriously frugal President Roh had not given his own money to Kim Young-sam. Instead, he had promised various business privileges to corporations and then extracted three hundred billion won in election contributions. Among the top one hundred companies, every one except the Mirae affiliates and ID Group affiliates had been thoroughly squeezed.
“Confirmation is enough. Tell them not to create anything that could be used against us and to simply watch quietly.”
- Yes, Chairman.
“Ah, and is the Special Team ready?”
Though the name “Special Team” sounded grand, it was merely ten of the most capable members selected from the intelligence team Hwang Jae-hong had assembled. It had been created to respond quickly to any unexpected situations during the presidential election.
- Yes! Preparations were completed long ago. Shall we activate it immediately?
There was no hesitation in Hwang Jae-hong’s voice. Just as the saying went that a man would give his life for someone who recognized his worth, Hwang Jae-hong now prioritized Yoo Jae-won above all else. The order to form the Special Team had been sudden—Yoo Jae-won had issued it only a few days earlier after returning from Busan—but Hwang Jae-hong had moved with enthusiasm and completed the task.
“No. We still haven’t heard from the other side. If the team is already assembled, treat them to a lavish dinner and build some teamwork. I’ll send the funds.”
For the Special Team to operate properly, Yoo Jae-won needed to hold full authority within the Tongil National Party, yet there was still no contact from them. It was frustrating, but he understood. Even a small organization had vested interests, and Yoo Jae-won’s demands would completely shatter those interests. It would naturally take time to clean house. Besides, he had already given Jeon Myeong-heon two powerful weapons. If Jeon Myeong-heon could not overcome even this, the presidential election was as good as lost.
Three days later, on October 24th.
- Kim Woo-jung actively considering presidential run!
The front pages of major dailies across the country—Daehan Ilbo, Dongha Shinmun, and others—were filled with headlines about one of Yoo Jae-won’s predicted events. Those who had only now heard the news showed a wide range of reactions, from approval to denial, at the idea that Kim Woo-jung, a figure comparable to Jeon Myeong-heon, might also run for president. Among them, some were so shocked they nearly fainted—namely, Jeon Jae-jun and the other vested interests within the Tongil National Party.