War Never Again #4: The Treaty Bomb
Due to the gravity of the incident, Ito Hirobumi first sent back Hitomi, who had gone ahead to Japan. And the message that Hitomi relayed to the cabinet sent shockwaves across the entire Japanese archipelago.
"If there are concessions on the broad framework, the Korean Empire will participate in the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere."
Let's go together! Brother Ito!
To Japanese ears, that's exactly how it sounded.
In fact, at this point in time, the Korean Empire appeared utterly ominous in the eyes of the Japanese—separate from its explosive growth. For years, the rice riots that had swept through Japanese society stemmed from cheap rice flooding in from Korea. Japan hadn't yet implemented the gold standard and was pushing industrialization, so rampant inflation was a natural consequence. When rice prices plummeted on top of that, some farmers, unable to make a living from agriculture, rose up in ikki rebellions.
Meanwhile, Korea—thanks to someone's strict monetary controls—proudly positioned itself as a poor pre-modern nation centered on barter trade with physical goods. Separate from Japan selling manufactured goods to Korea in exchange for rice and silver, Korea bartered rice and manufactured goods from Japan. In other words, Japan hadn't lost out at all in this trade structure. They'd managed to stabilize those rice prices they'd been desperate to control—it was actually a gain. The problem was that rice prices had gotten even cheaper lately. Half the previous price. At this rate, it wouldn't be the rice they grabbed, but the farmers themselves.
When they asked Korea experts about it, the Koreans were eating less rice now. Plus, with everyone emigrating north, the south was emptying out. Logically, fewer people should mean less production, but bizarrely, the amount of rice shipped to Japan kept increasing year after year. While suffering this absurd economic invasion, Korea now proposed forming an economic community together.
To Japan, Korea at this moment was a nation that cherry-picked Japanese manufactured goods. They bought up production equipment Japan needed by the truckload with rice, but everyday items like foodstuffs, clothing, and furniture that Japan genuinely wanted to sell? Not even on their radar.
That's right. The Japanese didn't yet know that Koreans living in Korea had their gold and silver deposited in savings, leaving them no way to buy Japanese furniture.
But if they formed an economic community? If the yen circulated in Korea too? Would Koreans really still refuse to buy Japanese goods?
In the hopeful fantasies of the Japanese, the very concept of anti-Japanese sentiment didn't exist. On the contrary, they believed Koreans felt they owed Japan a "debt of independence." The two were allied nations. Even if it wasn't full autonomy yet, a debt was a debt. From the start, every Korean they met expressed fondness for Japan. That's why Japan's political and business elites never even considered Korea turning anti-Japanese.
Thus: It'll sell!! Koreans just didn't have the money to buy Japanese goods—they didn't not want to. Koreans would probably admit it too. At least in Japanese eyes, Japanese products were cheaper and higher quality than anything from Korea. And yet they wouldn't buy? Unfathomable.
So not just the business world, but even some hardline pro-annexation advocates stepped up to push for "union."
Let's keep going like this!
Missing this chance would make Japan fools!
Before the damn Brits meddle, we need an agreement between our nations!
No matter what those concessions were—as long as they could build an economic sphere encompassing Korea, then China beyond it, and even India—Japan was prepared to yield almost anything.
...Until Ito Hirobumi came bearing the bomb in both hands.
"Pro-annexation! Show those arrogant Koreans the might of the Imperial Army sons!"
"Grab that bastard!"
"Mmph!"
It was a literal bomb.
The Korean Empire's Supreme Leader's whisper of "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity" seemed utterly rational to both politics and business. The problem lay in that inhuman rationality.
Humans are terribly "rational" creatures.
"The Republic of Korea allocates its budget to the army."
"Japan allocates its budget to the navy."
"The two nations sign a mutual defense pact, automatically intervening if one is invaded by a third country."
"The two nations create a common currency and join the gold standard with it."
Hitomi's words alone made it sound harmless. But—
The basic proposal delivered by the Korean plenipotentiary ambassador who crossed over with Ito from Korea meant something entirely different.
Preamble
The Republic of Korea and the Empire of Japan, seeking peace and shared prosperity in East Asia, mutual security, and economic development, hereby conclude the following treaty based on trust and cooperation between the two nations.
Article 1 (Mutual Defense Obligations)
The Republic of Korea and the Empire of Japan respect each other's independence and sovereignty, and hereby stipulate defense obligations as follows: If either nation is invaded by a third country, the other shall immediately and automatically participate militarily, joining the victim nation to counter the aggressor. "Invasion" means any armed violation of the other nation's territory, territorial waters, or sovereign rights.
Article 2 (Defense Spending Allocation and Military Role Division)
The Republic of Korea shall allocate only 10% of its national defense budget to naval forces. The Empire of Japan shall allocate only 10% of its national defense budget to army forces. Based on this allocation, the two nations shall build complementary military capabilities, with Korea primarily responsible for the army and Japan for the navy.
Article 3 (Establishment of Common Currency and Gold Standard Adherence)
The two nations shall issue a single common currency. The name and issuance method shall be determined in a separate annex agreement. The common currency shall be based on the gold standard, and both nations shall simultaneously join the international gold standard. To maintain the stability and credibility of the common currency, the two nations shall establish a joint financial institution.
Article 4 (Principle of Sovereignty and Non-Interference in Internal Affairs)
No provision of this treaty shall justify interference in the other nation's internal affairs or foreign policy.
Article 5 (Validity and Amendment of the Treaty)
This treaty shall enter into force upon ratification by both governments and remain valid for 25 years from the effective date. Unless either party notifies termination one year prior to expiration, the treaty shall automatically extend by 10 years. Amendments shall be made by mutual agreement in writing and take effect from the date of signature by both parties.
Article 6 (Miscellaneous)
Disagreements regarding the interpretation and implementation of this treaty shall first be resolved through diplomatic consultations between the two nations, and if necessary, finalized by an arbitration committee composed of equal representatives from both sides. This treaty is signed by plenipotentiaries duly authorized in Pyongyang, capital of the Republic of Korea, and Tokyo, capital of the Empire of Japan. The two originals in Korean and Japanese have equal validity.
This signed proposal, hand-written in Korean and Japanese respectively from Korea, whispered nothing less than the end of the Imperial Japanese Army.
The problem was—Korea essentially had no navy, while Japan very much had an army. And that army—the Imperial Army—was seething with rage. The entire cabinet stared at them with meaningful glances.
Ah... no!
Yes!
It was because someone who wanted this outcome had timed the bomb delivery with a deliberate delay. Surprisingly, the delay was key to the bomb's impact. Even nuclear weapons rely on delayed pressure for fission, don't they?
Ito had his retainer shoot this express news to Japan, letting public opinion solidify there somewhat before sending Prime Minister Ito back with the plenipotentiary. A exquisitely timed attack.
As a result, the Imperial Army was cornered without time to shape opinion. If things continued, even if Korea and Japan merged later, they'd end up not as guests of honor at the celebration, but as the meal on the table. They couldn't accept that future.
What was the Restoration for? What was the civil war for? They were the stars of the Restoration.
But the gold standard alone was grave enough that Prime Minister Ito had rushed for emergency talks in Korea. A single currency? Mutual defense pact? These touched on national fate. Above all, such an "equal treaty" between regional power Korea and near-great power Japan would clearly favor Japan. A third party would think Japan had swallowed Korea. And the Japanese knew it.
That's why moderate pro-annexationists held their twitching lips, unlike the extremists. None of them lacked zaibatsu money in this. Business had finally gotten a cut in politics, showering them with huge payoffs. Golden toads must've appeared in every home. No backing out now.
But approving it as-is meant the army's doom. The navy, already triumphant from crushing the Fujian Fleet in the Joseon Independence War, was riding high—and now handing over future budgets too? With the navy's let's do it right now faces, Army Minister Oyama Iwao—a pro-annexationist and cousin to Saigo Takamori—declared:
"The army opposes the navy's proposal."
The political storm raged.
As Japan's army and navy each prepared their own patriotic resolutions, the Supreme Leader of a certain peninsula—no, a certain continent—received the British consul in Korea.
"Sir Arthur, thank you for coming all this way to answer my questions."
"Not at all. Both I and my home country are satisfied with the Korean Empire's hospitality. Korea is developing day by day."
I'd summoned him to ask if this treaty wasn't something Britain had demanded of us through Japan. Naturally, the British consul said they'd only pushed for the gold standard—nothing like this content; it was news to them. Utterly unprecedented, of course. I'd proposed it to Japan myself, after all.
But I knew full well this treaty favored Japan, so I slyly shifted the blame for proposing it onto them. Even Japan would start doubting themselves. Ito himself would say I proposed it, but who in Japan—or the world—would take Ito's word at face value?
"Ah, so Korea proposed it 'themselves'? Understood. Separately, I'd like to discuss with Lord Ito—shall we arrange a dinner?"
My question to the British consul was as good as confirmed approval in interrogative form. As he knew, Britain's global strategy was to contain America at sea and Russia on the continent. In that, Japan was East Asia's gendarme and capitalist rival. The problem was rising Korea sparking opinion: Do we really need to entrust the gendarme role to Japan?
America would settle with Britain across the Atlantic anyway, and Russia could go to Korea, right? Surrounded by sea on three sides, Korea had no reason to defy Britain against Russian ambitions. Above all, Korea had no navy and seemed less rival, more "potential market." Humans are generous to prey over competitors by nature. He was banking on that.
And the Korean-based British envoy's report fanned those flames of conviction back home.
"Korea is a poor country. Koreans work less than six hours a day, rising late and leaving early. They make clothes rather than buy them, with mothers spending ten hours daily on it. They don't trust national currency, preferring their workplace's bonds. No rich folk, luxury goods only from Japanese merchants—and even those don't sell well. The Supreme Leader built banks, but I can't even tell where they are. No money for a navy; what funds exist go to railroads sustaining national debt."
It painted nothing but the impression: Korea looks desperately poor. A PS about aspiring to a garrison state was icing.
Only the railroads and factories from heavy industry push, and smokestacks rising daily, proved steady industrialization.
So Britain hadn't pressed Korea hard on the gold standard. To the consul's eyes, this nation would bankrupt even if loaned gold. No talk of handing them money—politicians don't react kindly to spend it suggestions.
Japan, by contrast?
These bastards have gold but pretend poverty for trade surpluses.
Britain figured. If Korea's reparations from Qing vanished domestically, whose mouths had they gone into? Korea denied it, but Britain knew—they'd been pirates too. Usually, it was the neighbor's pirate. Korea was surely blackmailed by strong warships. Certain.
But lately, one doubt nagged the consul. Really? Would that inscrutable Supreme Leader take blackmail lying down? His senses screamed poverty, but pirate instinct flickered in his mind.