'Let's Stop Fighting!' – The Polish Powder Keg
Not only Germany's demands for negotiations—shouting "Let's stop fighting!" and "Let's negotiate!"—but a whole slew of issues were being debated and hashed out at the World Government conference.
The big ones so far were the Jerusalem-Algeria problem, pushed by the United States, and the Indochina issue, championed by France. America saw Jerusalem right now as colonial settlement in Palestine, and Algeria was no different in their eyes. France insisted on a superior position in the trusteeship over Indochina.
Germany coming out so bluntly calling for talks wasn't the only problem—though they were tactless about it. Then the Poland question dropped like a bomb. Britain kept hammering on it because Germany had suddenly shown up at the negotiation table. Britain wanted to redefine Germany's hasty bid for armistice—basically their surrender document—in a way that cut reparations but "independized" Poland. In simple terms, that was Britain's stance.
Seeing how we'd liberated a hefty chunk of Hungary, they figured Poland deserved a big liberation too. The twist was that Korea, which usually stayed quiet, threw its weight behind Britain's push for Polish independence.
Korea linked Britain's constant Poland nagging to the Hungary issue, taking an indirect shot at them. At this point, Serbia was nosing around Bosnia, which should have gone to Hungary. So Korea argued we couldn't recognize Serbia's adventurous territorial grabs. Starting a war over an assassination and then expanding territory? That'd set a terrible precedent.
Maybe Germany's armistice push at this juncture was like throwing a stone into that hornet's nest. The silver lining was there was someone to play traffic cop, and the designated sacrifice was clear: Germany... and France.
Germany's tactless cries for peace and armistice had reasons. Unlike the Junkers screaming for Anschluss and fighting to the last man, the Kaiser's thinking was different. And honestly, when had those Junkers ever said anything worthwhile?
Compared to them, he'd been pretty successful. He'd maneuvered America into a conciliatory stance toward Germany first off. By even tolerating a constitutional monarchy, he'd thrown everything on the table to make the negotiations happen.
Exploiting America's wariness of Britain and France, he'd gotten them to oppose turning Germany into a colony. So if there was going to be an armistice, it had to be now—while things were still somewhat favorable. Otherwise, who knew what France would do to Germany postwar? Occupy up to the Saar and reincarnate Napoleon or something.
Thus, Germany knew that negotiating now would have Britain and America check France's hegemonic moves, so they pushed for ceasefire and armistice. Giving up what they had to while grabbing what they could.
France, on the flip side, had to prod Germany into more thrashing around. Their unyielding hardline demands on Germany every time had purpose: sabotage the negotiations however possible. And so far, France's efforts looked somewhat successful. They'd pried Alsace-Lorraine from the flailing Germans and gotten their affirmative nod.
Germany calling that land Elsass-Lothringen was over. Now it was Alsace and Lorraine. The problem was, that was it—exactly there.
France first had to reorganize as Britain had promised America beforehand—whether a federation or whatever, no more straight colonies. If Britain was a commonwealth of constitutional monarchies under one king, France had to become some bizarre republican union centered on itself.
America drew the line: do that, and we'd defer your debt payments. While opposing the massive reparations France wanted from Germany, of course. Sandwiched in the middle, France was going mad.
But Wilson knew France couldn't do squat right now, and with Britain stepping back, he could hammer France without hesitation. Britain wasn't going to just watch France cling to its colonial empire when they'd given up theirs. And with Korea piling on, Versailles might as well have been occupied by the whole negotiation table—practically an invasion force.
Cornered on all sides, France raised the white flag. Taking on Germany—who'd swallowed even Austria—alone without Britain and America was impossible. Italy, not even at the table, wasn't an issue, but France was surviving on transfusions from Britain and America right now.
In the end, France agreed to give up all their colonies, including war-torn Algeria. The upside was, instead of full trusteeships like Indochina's precedent, they'd establish republics under French military administration. Then general elections could lead to rejoining France? That was on the table too.
Hot-button Jerusalem would end at trusteeship. The public called it a crusade—fine, call it that. Luckily, Britain and America didn't plan to push France off the cliff. Just load them with debt. Pushing too hard would just make Germany laugh.
So France retreated beyond the line they were told, biding time for later recovery. As long as influence was preserved, they could reclaim it. Britain wouldn't emerge unscathed either.
But Germany couldn't laugh easy. Britain backed Germany on France's insane reparations demands in exchange for Poland's independence—basically a lobotomy for Germany.
In a way, Britain's demand was even crazier. Silesia, Posen, West Prussia, East Prussia, and parts of Pomerania. Demands fit for a defeated nation. Germany knew they were teetering on total defeat, but even to the Kaiser and his delegation, it was beyond common sense.
The issue was Britain could demand it. With America turning conciliatory and France rabidly hardline, Britain's position was more than a mere counterweight.
If Britain swung hardline, Germany was done—America would follow suit whether they liked it or not. If Britain ditched its American promises for full empire preservation, America would be the sucker. Debt? Just don't pay it.
America might win, but not unscathed. And Britain knew it well. That's why they'd pulled Korea to their side on Poland—another wild card in pocket.
One wild card was enough, and with it, Britain could shape the hand it wanted. For Britain, this was crucial. Carving out a big Poland would keep Germany suffering between it and France, unable to push maritime expansion.
Obviously, this Poland—stuck like a steamed bun between Germany and Russia—had to check both superbly while relying on British naval support. America and France would back it on this too. So Britain had to do it—a grand decision for European peace.
Thus, Britain offered choices. Since it was negotiations, they'd spare one. Whether Germany freaked at facing a harder-line Britain than France or not, Britain knew it held the key.
Germany claimed they'd have to keep fighting, but Britain's George and Arthur brushed it off with "try it then." Harsh, but true. Germany had some leeway now, sure. But beating France-Britain-America? Impossible. That's why they'd begged America, offering everything.
Dragging it to America's line? America would say give everything, including liberate Poland. France? Not even worth asking—they'd gut you.
Cornered, Germany's eyes turned to one nation: Korea, which fancied itself on Britain's side for Poland. An invitation from such Korea was something the "yellow peril" Kaiser rightly eyed warily.
"Pleased to meet you."
"…"
"First time. Kaiser of the Germans, Emperor of the German Empire, Head of State of Germany. Forgive my lack of culture—my German isn't fluent, so I'll speak in English."
More presentable than expected. A young man? Wait, mid-thirties, they said. Hard to tell age with East Asians, the Kaiser thought.
"First, thanks for accepting my invitation."
"So what's this proposal good for Germany?"
"I can give you a hand."
"…"
"A hand?"
"I oppose Poland's independence as Britain demands. Whatever the past, Germans live there now—it's German land."
Poland as a German puppet meant nothing for Polish independence, fair enough. But I basically opposed a big independent Poland per Britain's claim too. Why? Wouldn't want to spark a World War II over it.
Separate from my love for grand liberations, a Greater Poland was trouble. Honestly, considering what Polish states had done in world affairs, Poland could vanish from history for all I cared. I'd happily wipe Mao's China from the map too—even if it was the Chinese people's fervent wish. That'd just make it more necessary to erase.
But I knew Britain, France, and America wouldn't buy that, and Germany had no choice but to accept. So I invited the key to Poland: Germany. Or rather, Germany's heroine dragged to Versailles, Germany's hero, Germany's Kaiser. Poland could exist or not—Germany was needed. For the Soviets too.
"…"
"Korea plans to demand not just freedom of navigation as Wilson wants, but world sea lanes—the Grand Line."
"I invited you hoping Germany takes a role there. That's the official reason for this meeting."
"Korea wants Germany to back Korea's demands?"
"Yes, please. The price is this."
There were stories that'd make Polish independence nuts faint.
"Agree to Britain's demands for armistice, then full uprising in the Polish Republic?"
"Not necessarily uprising—a vote. Germans return to Germany. Nothing new."
"True, sure."
"No need to trust me. But you'd trust Germans, Kaiser. We oppose Poland oppressing Germans. That's my promise at that point."
"Even if Germans hold majority seats, vote, and rejoin Germany?"
"Yes. And I'd bet nine out of ten it happens."
Germany now wasn't Nazis—just a normal militarist pseudo-constitutional monarchy. No way Poland force-expels its German population if some territory flips. That'd be straight Armenian genocide.
Unlike Korea expelling Middle Easterners from Sudan—they were illegal residents under international law. Germans weren't.
But Poland will try. I trusted Poles. The Kaiser probably did too. Militarist pseudo-state Poland, united in anti-foreigner hate. They'd block German return, expel them, strip voting rights, oppress—demand loyalty oaths. Even risk civil war.
I trusted Poland. Hell yeah. Unlike the Kaiser, I didn't care either way. Go communist people's republic, anti-German front, armed neutral with Britain—whatever. Grabbing neighbor superpower land that big per Britain? Civil war inevitable.
Hell, I'd spark it if needed. Then just block Soviet intervention. Britain and France would mediate anyway.
Crawl back to Germany, join Soviets, split the country—whatever. Fine by me. Just so people compare Hungary's success and Poland's failure, figuring out the path forward.
Hungary, after my dogged persuasion, agreed to multi-ethnic statehood. I promised big investments. Indochina, next for big liberation bundling, could learn. Korea too.