Hungary's Lovers? To Britain, Austria is a Necessary Evil.
Russia's southward push had to be checked, so Austria was a necessary evil for Britain. But at the same time, the image of the empire as a conservative absolutist state suppressing Europe's liberalism was deeply ingrained.
That was why the British idolized Hungarian figures like Kossuth Lajos and Andrássy Gyula as champions of freedom.
But today, an op-ed in The Times.
The anonymously submitted article struck directly at the British sense of moral superiority.
It had been less than a year since Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. Britain needed Southern cotton but couldn't officially back the Confederacy for fear of being branded slavery supporters. The answer was obvious.
'Oops, if I support Hungary, I'll be seen as a slavery apologist too!'
Britain, which had no trade ties with Hungary anyway, flipped its stance overnight.
'Oh my, look at those Hungarian nobles. Pretending to be liberals while treating minorities like slaves—barbarians!'
Pouring fuel on the fire was Russia.
Russian Foreign Minister Alexander Gorchakov railed that the "suffering of our Slavic brothers has reached an intolerable level," giving London perfect fodder.
'Russia's freaking out, so Hungary must really be enslaving people? Real slave masters!'
While London buzzed with outrage, Palmerston and Buol were holding a private meeting.
Palmerston showed Buol The Times.
"Count Buol, the writing style looks familiar. Smells like ink from Vienna."
"A misunderstanding, Prime Minister. Us manipulating Britain's press? That's something the Rothschilds could pull off."
Buol replied shamelessly.
"The truth the Kaiser was hiding has simply surfaced."
"Truth, you say. Magyar nobles no different from Texas plantation owners? But this one article has put me in a terribly awkward spot. Perfect ammunition for the Conservatives to attack us Liberals."
When Palmerston pointed out that Austria was cozy with the Conservatives, Buol smiled leisurely.
"If the Liberals truly champion freedom, wouldn't turning their backs on Europe's slave masters be a moral victory?"
Palmerston grimaced bitterly.
The public had no interest in the complexities of Austria-Hungary's constitution.
Magyar nobles cracking whips over oppressed Slavic tenant farmers. That stark dichotomy was all that mattered.
"Even so, we've poured money and diplomatic capital into Hungarian exiles. We can't just flip like that overnight."
"Of course. I'm a diplomat too. It was originally meant for the Conservatives, but..."
Buol pulled an envelope from his pocket and slid it across the table.
[Details of abuses against Slavic and Romanian tenant farmers by Magyar nobles, justifying centralization]
Count Buol had cleverly twisted the issues raised by Sisi to subtly preach the righteousness of Austria's centralization.
Depriving Hungary of autonomy and pushing centralization wasn't tyranny—it was to eradicate the illegal abuses by Magyar nobles against Slavic and Romanian tenant farmers. Only a strengthened central government could grant these poor serfs true freedom.
As Palmerston read, Buol explained Austria's recent changes.
"Think about it, Prime Minister. Just as Britain merged Scotland and Ireland into the United Kingdom, we're simply forging one empire."
Buol prodded at Ireland—a ritual topic in every diplomacy with Britain.
"If Irish landlords rejecting London control cried 'freedom,' would Your Excellency call them heroes or rebels?"
Palmerston's face stiffened at the jab at Britain's sore spot.
"What our Kaiser does is no different from what Her Majesty does in Ireland. Taming barbaric Magyar nobles and planting civilized rule of law. That's all."
Lip-service liberalism, imperialist actions in practice—the standard critique of Palmerston.
"Count. You're overlooking one thing."
Palmerston leaned forward slightly.
"Our United Kingdom binds through Parliament, law, and consensus. Ireland and Scotland send representatives to Westminster in London. But your empire?"
A union held by imperial edicts and secret police surveillance, without parliament or constitution.
Palmerston tapped the report on the table.
"We'll let this slide thanks to public opinion... but there won't be a next time."
"Duly noted."
But Buol-Schauenstein didn't care.
It was tantamount to admitting Britain's technical knockout.
By downgrading the Hungarian issue from a freedom struggle to a mere difference in administrative integration, he had won this round of the war.
"You know, I think regency just isn't for me."
"What do you mean, Your Majesty?"
I took a strawberry from Königseck and popped it in my mouth.
"If I were to get involved in politics as Empress."
There'd be way too much I'd have to give up.
"I'd have to sit at a desk like Joseph every day, right? And attend society events daily. I like things just as they are now."
Instead of burying myself in paperwork, I could nudge him gently when he hit a dead end.
"That's the most efficient, isn't it? Joshy loves my advice, and I get time for travel."
"Your Majesty..."
Look at her.
I'm really fine with this, okay?
Anyone would think I'm just rationalizing after Mother-in-law snatched power back.
"Exactly."
"Regarding this incident, Britain's Prime Minister Palmerston has made a moral decision based on reliable information—"
We knew Britain viewed France and Prussia through jaundiced eyes too.
France's parliament and lower house, mere rubber stamps without budget authority, rejected the budget—so Napoleon invoked a constitutional vacuum to execute it without approval. Prussia did the same.
Two nations with parliaments existing only symbolically.
France was an ally, Prussia a check on France and family ties.
Britain just hated us and wanted to call us absolutists.
That was when I was idly munching strawberries.
Knock knock.
"Your Majesty, Archduchess Sophie requests an audience."
Usually she stays at Schönbrunn, so it shows here.
If it were Hofburg, the guards would've stopped her ages ago.
"Let her in."
The bedroom door opened, and my mother-in-law entered.
"Elisabeth. You look much better."
"Thanks to you, Mother. A good rest has me feeling energetic."
Mother-in-law glanced at the strawberry plate and the newspapers held by the maids, then sat in the opposite chair.
"Tsk. You need to know what's truly important."
"The baby seems perfectly peaceful in here too."
She dismissed all the maids and got to the point.
"London's in quite a uproar."
Count Buol was nominally Mother's man.
But she was the one person who knew he was mine.
"Isn't it strange? That sly fox Palmerston is turning away Hungarian exiles in a panic."
"Heaven watches over His Majesty the Emperor—looks like the British have finally seen the Hungarians' true colors."
"Buol wouldn't have written it as sensationally as a third-rate novel to sway the masses."
Praise? It felt off somehow.
And she wouldn't say that without being sure I was behind it.
"Good that it worked. Britain and France can't ignore the shift in public opinion."
"You talk well."
"Isn't it the outcome you wanted, Mother?"
Mother didn't deny it.
She disliked the method, but the result was what she'd longed for.
No forgiveness for traitorous Hungary.
"Fine, I won't ask who inspired Buol."
As she rose, Mother gave her final advice.
"Neither the Emperor nor I write that sort of piece. Be more careful next time."
Alone in the room, I mulled over her parting words.
Neither the Emperor nor I write that sort of piece...
I squeezed my eyes shut.
I should have taken that for granted from the start.
Joseph, Mother, and me.
"Haa."
The Emperor and Archduchess upheld dignity even if inefficient. I could set dignity aside for efficiency.
In this imperial family, I was the only one who could wield Hungary's reality as a weapon.
Hungary would soon hunt down the culprit.
"I caused a mess..."
A massive one at that.
Diplomacy: A+. Domestic affairs: F.
Even the moderates like Ferenc I'd carefully cultivated might turn their backs now.
I'd paid a steep lesson fee. "Sissi."
As I pondered how to smooth this over, I heard a voice that had no business being here.